On July 26, a group of soldiers interrupted the television signal in Niger to announce the dismissal of President Mohamed Bazoum from his duties as head of state, the suspension of constitutional institutions and the closure of borders. A message that heralded the fall of one of the last democracies in the African Sahel belt and the return of political instability in Niger. How to understand the coup and its external implications?
Niger, one of the most impoverished countries in the world, has been experiencing turbulent moments for a week, when President Mohamed Bazoum and his family were held in the government palace by a group of insurgent soldiers who stressed the “continuous deterioration of the situation of security and poor economic and social governance” as the main argument to overthrow the democratically elected government.
To date, one of the two planes that Emmanuel Macron’s Executive sent to evacuate its citizens in Niger has already landed in Paris, France. In a mission where “almost all the passengers are of French nationality”, according to the French Foreign Minister, Catherine Colonna.
Spain and Italy have also announced the sending of planes for the repatriation of their compatriots and other European citizens who are in Nigerian territory.
From Europe and the United States, the position of condemnation of the coup is clear, with Washington announcing the provisional suspension of humanitarian aid to Niger, in addition to demanding the immediate release of Mohamed Bazoum by the coup military junta. A requirement that France, the European Union and the United Nations have echoed but that does not seem to resonate with the high command in the new Nigerien government leadership.
Chronology of a coup
On the morning of July 26, the then democratically elected president of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum, was held in the presidential palace by members of the country’s national army.
At that time, official accounts from the head of state’s office stated that Bazoum was in good condition and that the armed forces were “ready to attack” the coup leaders “if they do not return to better feelings.”
Hours later, and faced with the rejection of countries such as France, Colonel Amadou Abdramane acted as spokesman for the insurgent group and announced on national television that the president had been removed from his duties, in addition to implementing a national curfew “until further notice.” A speech that also launched a clear warning: “All external partners are asked not to interfere.”
Initially, a part of the population in Niamey was not satisfied with the coup offensive by the military and there were numerous demonstrations in favor of the release of Bazoum, which were repelled by lines of military insurgents in the streets of the capital. On the other hand, dozens of Nigerians who support the new Military Junta staged riots at the Bazoum party headquarters.
Two days later, on July 28, the head of the insurrection was presented to the world. Abdourahamane Tchiani, Brigadier General of the Army and first in command of Bazoum’s presidential guard, proclaimed himself leader of the new Junta, known as the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland (CLSP), which in turn appointed him “head of State and representative of the State of Niger in international relations”.
The fall of the last civil government of the Sahel
Also known as the “coup belt of Africa”, the Sahel is a geographical area made up of countries such as Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Guinea, Mauritania, Mali and Niger. Surrounded by a conflictive history, the peoples of the region have faced the consequences of the political, social and economic instability caused by colonialism and the mismanagement in their independence transitions. In 2020, Burkina Faso and Mali experienced two coups; in 2021, Guinea joined the list; and in 2023, the Bazoum government in Niger is the new victim.
The arrival of Mohamed Bazoum to power in Niger after the 2021 presidential elections was not without controversy, especially within the country’s political opposition. Born in 1960, the still internationally recognized president of Niger was the successor to Mahamadou Issouf, of whom he was a fervent ally and a member of his own party, the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS).
The electoral results that gave the official candidate the winner in 2021 were rejected by the opposition, which alleged a “fraud” in the vote count. The discontent was such that, two days before his official inauguration but with Bazoum already in office, the government of Niger underwent an attempted coup d’état that, although it did not go too far, works as a prequel to the present in Niamey, the capital. .
The ECOWAS threat
Outside of Niger, the sides in support or detriment of the new Military Junta in the African country are becoming clearer, and from the western bloc, they do not welcome the rise of Abdourahamane Tchiani to power.
In Washington, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has reiterated the calls of the United States for the release of President Bazoum, also putting in the air the future of commercial and humanitarian relations with Niger if the Junta refuses to hand over power.
However, the reaction that has most polarized opinions among experts is the position taken by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). On July 30, the bloc made up of 15 African nations threatened that, if Mohamed Bazoum’s government is not reinstated, it could use collective force to restore order. The defense ministers of the member states will meet on August 2.
Burkina Faso and Mali, the first allies of the new Military Junta
The governments of Burkina Faso and Mali, also led by the military who disrupted the previous constitutional order, stepped forward to claim to be Niger’s “allies” in the event of foreign military intervention. In a joint statement published on July 31, both governments described any attempt at external interference in Niamey as a “declaration of war.”
“Mali and Burkina Faso warn that any military intervention in Niger will be considered a declaration of war against Burkina Faso and Mali,” the two armies said in a joint statement broadcast on their respective national channels.
Indirectly, the above message could be addressed to France. The Military Junta accuses Paris of having hatched “an extraction plan” together with Bazoum to remove him from the government palace, where he is still being held by the military until now. Although the French Foreign Ministry has denied the accusations, tensions could erupt at any moment.
France, a leading role in the crisis
Despite its “low-income country” status, Niger is a powerhouse in the production of rare metals, especially within the nuclear industry. In 2021, this African country was the seventh largest producer of uranium in the world, a mineral needed to run the nuclear reactors that supply power to countries like France.
In 2020, Paris imported a third of the uranium used in its nuclear power plants from Niamey, a fundamental part of the French electricity grid, since at least 70% of the energy used in French territory comes from nuclear power plants.
In addition, the government of Emmanuel Macron has an active deployment of 1,500 military personnel on Nigerien soil, the largest French military presence in the Sahel whose main mission was to provide support for the Nigerien government’s anti-jihadist campaign – also criticized by the new Junta Military due to its “inefficiency” -.
For all of the above, the Élysée Palace was one of the first to show its rejection of the coup, stating “that anyone who attacks French citizens, the Army, diplomats or French companies will see France respond immediately and decisively”. , according to a statement on July 30, after a contingent of coup sympathizers vandalized the vicinity of the French embassy in Niamey.
However, the importance of France in this story goes far beyond a possible energy dependence on Paris for African uranium. Niger is a former French colony that was able to consummate its independence process only in 1960, when Hamani Diori came to power and began a turbulent history for this young state.
The discourse behind the coup action of this 2023 is full of indirect references to the French neocolonial power and its consequences on the people of Niger. Burning French flags and anti-Paris chants could be seen and heard in the riots outside the French embassy in Niamey on July 30, although the new Military Junta has not framed an explicit political stance against France for now. In parallel, Russian flags were seen, due to the proximity of the new government commanders to the Kremlin and its paramilitary spheres such as Wagner.
Expecting a not so catastrophic outcome, the world’s eyes turn to Africa once more to witness the political future that awaits Niger, a small and desert country located in one of the most unstable regions in the world and surrounded by of foreign interests for its natural resources. A pressure cooker that finally exploded.
With Reuters, AP and local media
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