The book “The king of cash” written by Elena Chavez is on his way third edition, although it has practically disappeared as a topic in the media. After the fury of the first informative cycle, the storm ceases in public opinion, but not in the National Palace, where President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is still quite annoyed by the testimony of the journalist who narrates the experiences of 18 years of being a couple of Cesar Yanez, for decades private secretary of the social leader and his confidant. A man who does not forgive anything and harbors resentments for years, his state of mind coincided so that a few days ago the World Trade Center and the El Sótano bookstore, They canceled the book launch.
It shouldn’t be surprising. It is no longer so relevant whether a government official, as was done before, spoke to the administrators of the premises to protest the space of an enemy of the president, and pressure them, or as happens with many instances, organizations and people, who out of fear of the quarrelsome and vengeful voice of the morning, they will take the initiative to get vaccinated preventively. In any case, they took the path that the Lutheran pastor Martin Niemöller drew in his eternal poem on the Jews and the Nazis.
Chavez’s book describes “the hidden looting of the president and his close team,” which is a chronicle of what the author saw, heard and participated in. Although they have discredited it with misogyny, or discredited it for not providing documentation, outside of public scrutiny, in the presidential office they know the damage it can cause, although for the moment they consider that the cost was low in the first push. This preliminary evaluation, however, has not prevented the thunderbolts from the top of the tropical parthenon against the penitent servants.
In recent weeks there have been new chapters of what could be part of a follow-up book. Yáñez, currently Undersecretary of the Interior for Religious Affairs, and was recently summoned by the president for a meeting. Sent to the Tabasco Gulag for having promoted his wedding in Puebla in the Spanish magazine Hello!, the antithesis of López Obrador’s thoughts and feelings, Yáñez must have been happy about the call, since he even arrived at the National Palace with gifts, some officials recall. He quickly realized that he had been summoned for something very different.
The president, who according to the descriptions was much more than annoyed, claimed that he had not even alerted him that this book was being prepared, just as the head of propaganda, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, who had previously warned him, had not alerted him at the time. he played his dose of presidential anger, because the information about Chávez’s work was received from his former legal adviser, Julio Scherer, not from him. This reproach could have another interpretation, of course, that has to do with the poor information that he is receiving from his collaborators, who in many cases have to act reactively, not preventively, which always has them on the defensive.
López Obrador’s recriminations to Yáñez focused on not having prevented his ex-partner from disclosing a series of events and actions that were considered sensitive and that should have been completely shielded so that they never came to public opinion. The president would be right on this point, because it could be thought that if Yáñez had been the president’s private secretary for more than five decades, as the first word establishes, he is a person who was entrusted with secrets and who, by sharing them with his then a couple, he would have betrayed the trust that López Obrador placed in him.
However, as happens more and more frequently, she forgot that, as Yáñez reminded her, large parts of the book were experiences about actions that were entrusted directly to her, but above all, that had been authorized by the president himself. In other words, what Chávez described were not only testimonies of what she saw and heard, but also of how he operated some of the things that remained in the book. From the way Chávez has expressed it, it does not seem that his involvement was such, but that is how they discussed it in the National Palace.
This second act of “El rey del cash” reveals the tension within the National Palace, perhaps due to the large number of loose ends that emerged with the book and the confirmations of some protagonists of narrated episodes, who contributed their personal statement to the experiential testimony which confirmed what was stated in some chapters. The initial stir caused by the book will help other injured or disenchanted people to contribute evidence or their own experiences in deliveries or money management.
The first public impulse that the book had has decreased, but it will be oscillating during the next months. One of the effects it produced was that some of the protagonists were encouraged to make known their own experiences -collection and delivery of cash to López Obrador-, while others, due to information that is already circulating, are willing to deliver documentation on money delivered from left-wing militants and businessmen, which arrived at their offices.
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The issue of dark money to finance López Obrador and his family and support his cause with untraceable money, as he calls it, will not go away. To the extent that the agony of the six-year term progresses and they lose political strength or they consider that their threats and vindictive actions are losing steam due to the natural transfer of power to other poles -for example, when Morena’s presidential candidacy comes out-, more voices and evidence will find its way to public opinion about that money -and others, perhaps-, a product of corruption and lack of control in the current government, whose still buried complaints will become loud.
This second act of “The king of cash”, it is part of a work of Mexican political reality that still has a lot to show.
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