The 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index revealed that two out of three countries in the world have a serious corruption problem and that in 95 percent of these only minimal advances have been made in this area since 2017.
EL TIEMPO spoke with Luciana Torchiaro, Regional Counselor for Latin America and the Caribbean of Transparency International, body in charge of developing the report, on the situation facing the region, one of the most corrupt globally, and the suggestions that countries like Colombia should take into account to counteract the phenomenon.
-What factors do Transparency International take into account when developing the report?
The Index measures the perception of corruption in the public sector. This means that we are not looking at issues of organized crime, money laundering or tax evasion. The index is made up of 13 sources that come from internationally renowned institutions such as the World Bank, the Freedom House Foundation or the World Justice Project. The aspects taken into account are: bribery, access to information, levels of transparency, the quality of public institutions and accountability systems.
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-How is America in terms of corruption?
The most recent report reveals a severe deadlock in the fight against corruption in the region. We can say that 27 of 32 countries are stagnant in this matter in the region.
The lack of progress has to do with different factors. For example, that compliance with the law is very low and that in most countries there is a great tendency to concentrate power in the Executives, which prevents other State institutions from exercising their counterweight to power independently.
Another element that has been accentuated in recent years is what we call the ‘restriction of civic space’ and that has to do with violations of fundamental rights, freedom of expression, freedom of the press and freedom of association.
– Is this stagnation due to a global setback?
According to our evaluation, 124 countries out of 180 are at a standstill in the fight against corruption in the world. Therefore, it is a trend that is observed internationally and is linked to the erosion of democracy that afflicts various countries.
We have consistently seen that governments have no will to fight corruption
-In the case of America, what is the reason why corruption continues to be one of its main evils?
It is not necessary to put dyes of right or left at this time. I think in recent years we have consistently seen that governments have no will to fight corruption, they have other priorities, despite the fact that this fight is essential to be able to advance in the construction of more inclusive, more democratic societies and to guarantee respect for the environment. Basically, we lack political will. Yes there are laws and they are relatively good, but they are not implemented.
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-Which are the countries that are at a critical level in this matter?
The most critical is Venezuela, with 14 points. They are followed by Haiti, with 17 points; Nicaragua, with 19; Honduras, with 23; and Guatemala, with 24.
-Precisely, the report refers to a special concern for the situation in Central America. How do you see what Guatemala, Nicaragua or El Salvador is experiencing today?
The situation in Central America is particularly alarming. In the case of Nicaragua, it is a country that in the last 10 years has dropped 10 points and, therefore, it is one of those that has declined significantly. The country has consolidated a dictatorship, the levels of opacity are abysmal and power is completely concentrated by the Ortega-Murillo couple. It is a country in which the system works within a framework of corruption.
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In El Salvador, we also see very alarming trends in recent years. The government of Nayib Bukele has managed to co-opt different State institutions. The independence of prosecutors is practically non-existent and the levels of transparency and the right of access to information are highly violated in the country. We also see that the measures that the president takes to combat gangs lack transparency, accountability and are in violation of human rights, which is completely counterproductive for any type of anti-corruption effort.
In the case of Guatemala, we see a significant deterioration and it is in fact the fifth most corrupt country in the region. We observe a cooptation of state institutions by political and economic elites, and even organized crime. Particularly alarming is the cooptation of the Public Ministry, which in the last two years has criminalized and imprisoned prosecutors and activists and journalists.
-Let’s talk about the Peru case…
The crisis in Peru is due to different factors. We cannot bottle it up in a single issue, but, certainly, the country has been going through significant political instability in recent years with six presidents in six and a half years, five of whom were investigated for corruption.
Corruption is part of the problem and the fight against corruption must also be part of the solution. This implies more transparency, more participation, more accountability and the strengthening of democratic institutions.
-Why does the report indicate that Brazil is a case of special interest?
In the Jair Bolsonaro era, Brazil experienced a serious setback in the fight against corruption. Many institutions that were previously independent, such as the Federal Police or the Public Ministry, found themselves overwhelmed by the Executive. The former president and his entourage are also being investigated for corruption cases.
We highlight it because Brazil has just renewed its leadership (Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva) and has the challenge of rebuilding its democratic institutions and its anti-corruption scaffolding. If it succeeds, it can be a good example for the region and even for the global south, due to its weight at the international level.
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-Could Colombia be an example of that?
As in the case of Brazil, Colombia has a relatively new government, which opens many opportunities to promote and implement an anti-corruption agenda, which seems to be fully aligned with the campaign promises of President Gustavo Petro.
It should not be forgotten that Colombia faces similar challenges to the rest of the countries in the region. The country still has to strengthen the independence of its justice system in order to reduce the levels of impunity and to punish the corrupt. Another outstanding debt is the protection of those who denounce corruption. This is essential.
-Conversely, Uruguay ranks 14 out of 180 on the list…
Uruguay has a score of 74, which makes it similar to the countries that are best ranked in the European Union. After its dictatorship, Uruguay managed to establish and consolidate its democracy and, unlike many, it is a country where there is a consensus among the different actors on what type of society they want to live in, which has allowed it to consolidate its democracy.
In this sense, it is a country where the balance of powers is respected and has an independent judiciary that, unfortunately, does not exist in most of the countries in the region. This is accompanied by another element and that is that Uruguay is a more equitable society.
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-How does the situation of corruption in the region impact ordinary citizens?
Corruption seems like a very abstract topic, but in reality it is an issue that affects all of our societies.
Corruption seems like a very abstract topic, but in reality it is an issue that affects all of our societies. When in a corrupt act funds are diverted that are destined for health, education, to build roads that are not built or are made of poor quality, we are affecting and having repercussions on the basic rights of all people.
In particular, this affects the historically most marginalized communities, such as indigenous communities, women and girls, or migrants who in many cases are forced to leave their countries because they do not have their basic needs guaranteed or because of the levels of violence that, to a large extent, also have to do with corruption within the systems.
-How is corruption correlated with violence and armed groups?
Organized crime has managed to infiltrate public institutions in several of our countries through campaign financing, for example, either through the payment of bribes to public officials so that they ignore their activities, or because there are officials who directly participate in criminal activities.
When justice institutions and when, for example, the police are infiltrated by this type of group, they stop performing their main function, which is to protect people, and in this sense it is a form of corruption. This is how corruption fosters violence.
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-So, where to move forward so that this fight against corruption gets out of the stagnation in which it is?
It is essential to strengthen democratic institutions and that there is a true division of powers. What seems so basic is still a pending debt in many countries in the region. Another element that could generate a significant change in the perception of corruption in the region is if progress is made in the independence of the judiciary and, particularly, in the punishment of the corrupt. That there is an effective sanction could make a difference.
Another broader element that is fundamental to the fight against corruption is that fundamental freedoms are respected, that is, freedom of the press, freedom of association and expression. These rights are a way of exercising control over power from different spaces and are very important in order to hold States accountable. Political will is also a fundamental condition.
ANGIE NATALY RUIZ HURTADO
INTERNATIONAL WRITING
TIME
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