Four consecutive days, four, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has dedicated ample space to him in his National Palace wall for attack the march in favor of the survival of the National Electoral Institute, before the initiative of the maximum head to colonize it. The justification for his violent outbursts is because, in his opinion, Those who will attend the expression of protest next Sunday are hypocrites without moral authority, classists, racists, thieves, dishonest, cretins and corrupt. The insane thing about López Obrador with his expressions of hate because someone looks him in the eye, they are so morally low and politically so sick, that they cannot dignify themselves with an answer. Let the president continue with his vitriolic songs; the country is bigger than him.
However, there are elements that can be discussed. The first, his allegation of electoral fraud in 2006, when Felipe Calderón defeated him by 236,000 votes; that is, with a difference of 0.56%. He never accepted having lost and recreated the Paris commune – but without people and sponsored by the government of Mexico City and friendly businessmen – to try to create conditions of instability that would derail the process.
There were, in fact, those who thought that it was the opportunity to seize power, such as the conspiracy of the director of an important newspaper in the capital so that, with the constitutional study of a renowned university lawyer, the current ambassador to one of the great foreign missions. That did not go beyond being a conjunctural fever fueled by personal ambitions, which was being built while López Obrador, under the cry of “vote by vote”, asked for the recount in 113,855 polling stations, of the 143,000 installed, where irregularities were registered.
The law did not allow a total recount, but Calderón, to find a way out of the post-election conflict, sent a message to López Obrador, where he offered to be willing for there to be a new vote-by-vote calculation – outside the then Federal Electoral Institute. , with the condition that whoever lost, recognized the victory of his adversary. There was no answer. Calderón repeated the message with a new link, but the reaction was the same, silence. Was there fraud on July 2, 2006? If we stick to what the law establishes, that the official and legal count is the one that is posted outside the polling stations signed by the representatives of the parties, López Obrador lost the election. In fact, the minutes gave Calderón a slightly greater advantage.
Mexican history since López Obrador has been in public life has been written by the losers, so the idea of fraud in that election nested the snake’s egg. The strength of his propaganda, his syllogisms, sophisms and lies are a born talent of López Obrador, who through victimization and permanent crying lives immersed in a Homerian epic fighting giants. He is the strongest and most powerful president in living memory, but he likes to cry. “To the people who go (to the march),” he said, “let them know that it is a demonstration against us because of the policy that we are carrying out in favor of the people.”
This is another topic worth discussing. The march seeks to send a clear message to legislators not to approve the president’s initiative to reform the INE. “They talk that the INE is going to be destroyed, that there is going to be a dictatorship, that I am doing it because I am going to stay, that there is going to be re-election,” he added in his rants. The initiative does destroy the INE as we know it, an efficient body to administer and organize elections, by attempting to cancel the Professional Electoral Service, which affects the organization of elections, takes away the electoral roll and turns it into a nominal list controlled by the government. , which would decide who votes and who does not, and eliminates independence in the election of directors, leaving the main burden to the Executive.
López Obrador rejects that this would lead to a dictatorship, which no organizer of the march has said, but it is an idea deeply rooted in his head, so much so that he has spoken in the morning more about Porfirio Díaz than about Benito Juárez. I don’t know if the INE reform simulates a long-term dictatorship, but even without it, we already live under a regime of concentrated power, without many checks and balances. The way in which his majority ipso facto approves his initiatives in Congress is proof of this. The factious handling of personal data and flagrant violations of the law without consequences, is another. The exclusion of minorities, which is what the INE defends – the quality of democracy is measured by the majority’s respect for minorities – and its eschatological rhetoric, also against minorities, is one more.
His statement that they are warning that he wants to be re-elected is absurd. The INE has no jurisdiction in this regard, which is within the scope of the Legislative. If he wanted to be reelected, he would have a majority in the chambers, but he would need the addition of other opposition legislators to reach a qualified majority. However, thinking about it is equally absurd. If Morena wins the Presidency, as he and many believe it will be in 2024, he would not have to remain in power. The maximum boss will have his corcholata evoking Pascual Ortiz Rubio in the National Palace.
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However, there is in all this discussion a hypertext that goes beyond who wins the Presidency and the autonomy and impartiality of the electoral referee, which starts from the hypothetical question: what if Morena does not win the Presidency? Given the arsonist attitude of López Obrador throughout his public life, the growing violence of his word and the obsession to stay and maintain power with everything at the cost of everything, the march to defend the INE that we know, is also a brake to the likely externality of the fire the next morning.
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