Meloni and Le Pen are representatives of ‘feminationalism’, which uses the defense of women as an alibi against immigration
“I am a woman, I am a mother, I am Italian, I am a Christian.” It is the mantra and the declaration of intentions of the winner of the Italian elections, the far-right Giorgia Meloni. What was anathema, almost a contradiction, is now a common phenomenon: the extreme right in France (Marine Le Pen), Germany, Denmark or Norway have or have had female leaders.
This promotion of women in the radical right has a utilitarian component. This is how the political scientist and professor at the University of Bath Ana Catalano Weeks explains it: far-right parties, for every female voter, have two male ones. “This huge gender gap means that one place to look for new voters is with women,” she says. These parties elect more female candidates, either when they have a very masculinized electorate, or when they lose votes. “They strategically appeal to female voters by increasing the visibility of women in the party,” says Weeks. “This strategy seems to be successful”, with forces like Le Pen and Meloni attracting more female voters. Weeks adds that early post-election data suggests that Meloni had as many votes from women as from men.
Another thing is that the presence of women implies that the extreme right becomes feminist. The philosopher Luisa Posada Kubissa, citing Amelia Valcárcel, recalls: «Feminism is not womanism; It is not that there are women, but a commitment to the feminist agenda. And there is none here.”
The speeches of Meloni and Le Pen distance themselves from feminism on another issue: these leaders rest their arrival at the top of politics on their own merits. Feminism interprets the achievements of women as the result of a collective movement to fight for equality.
But both Le Pen and Meloni use feminist rhetoric; They have appropriated, in the words of Posada Kubissa, part of the discourse and of feminist figures. Although this, explains the philosopher, is not accompanied by a real will to implement gender equality policies. And if they do, it is only as an alibi for their racism or xenophobia.
‘feminationalism’
The conciliation measures advocated by Meloni seek to ensure that Italy’s labor deficit is not covered by migrants, says Posada. Le Pen, in his letter to the women of the past 8-M, alluded to “imported practices” as a threat to French women and promised to deport foreigners who commit street harassment or sexual delinquency. Le Pen made a link between the protection of Western values, the safety of women and the criminalization of immigration. It is what the political scientist Sara R. Farris baptized as “feminationalism”: the instrumentalization of the defense of women against the rights of non-French, non-Italians or non-whites.
Regarding whether the success of ultra-right women is positive for all women, if it contributes to breaking glass ceilings, Weeks analyzes: «If I would normally say that it is good to see a woman at the top regardless of her ideology, in this case its fascist roots prevent me from seeing any benefit. But she concedes that there may be Meloni policies that are not bad for women (she wants to guarantee that they do not have to stop working when they are mothers) or, at least, she clarifies, that they are not bad for Italian, white and heterosexual women. Although he adds that Meloni’s victory threatens LGTBI + rights and abortion.
Another question is why the extreme right is connecting with the female electorate. Sociologist Marina Subirats points out that women belong to different social classes, their bond of solidarity is not uniform, so they also have different ideologies. Both Meloni and Le Pen appeal to women: the former has tried to empathize with working mothers and her challenges; and the second encourages women to apply for positions of responsibility.
And there are also other differences between Le Pen and Meloni, which Posada observes: the Frenchwoman has moderated her speech and distanced herself from the more religious profiles; instead, the Italian vindicates her Christian identity and her motherhood, which links her with traditionalism. And if Le Pen called herself a “non-hostile” feminist (falsely identifying feminism with hatred of men), Meloni militates against the so-called “gender ideology.”
Subirats raises questions about how long female leaders in the radical right can last if they are only considered “utilitarian” to win votes or try to popularize their speeches among a wider public. She anticipates the prompt appearance of contradictions between far-right misogyny and the certain violet-tinged agenda of her candidates. And she takes the example of the leaders of the radical right to argue that the entry of women into politics does not always imply the transformation of politics, but that their access to power can transform women and turn them into emulators of men and alibis of his machismo.
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