It has been years since a Latin American president addressed the issue in such a comprehensive, direct and realistic manner. Stopping repeating the tired —and useless— “war on drugs” speech, when Gustavo Petro took office, he put his finger on the problem saying what had to be said: “The time has come to change anti-drug policy in the world.” He insisted that the current policy should be changed “so that it allows life and does not cause death.”
Since he addressed several other very important issues in his inaugural message, the drug issue did not attract the forefront of attention. Others did it, very relevant and pressing. Among them, the opening of a path of dialogue with the ELN as well as another of “reception” with criminal organizations, such as the Clan del Golfo so that the violence in the country ceases. In the message, he also highlighted what refers to the crucial economic and tax matters, proposing proposals to better redistribute national income, presenting to Congress, the next day (first day of Government), his legal project for the review of tax regulations.
When addressing the drug issue, Petro did so directly, but that has been somewhat sidelined. Moving forward from what Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos had already proposed at the time: the revision of policies based on the so-called “war on drugs”. That, as Petro emphasized, “strengthened the mafias and weakened the States.” indisputable truth. In the path of five decades of such a “war” there are many dead, more drug addicts, the affected environment and many other natural and social disasters. And, in the case of countries in the region involved in the production and export of coca/cocaine, several dramatic indicators of this failure.
It is very good that you put your finger on the problem. It must be said, however, that it is still very unfortunate that this firm and clear presidential invocation has not found an official echo, not even in the governments of other coca/cocaine producing countries, in those of transit and, especially, on consumers in North America and Europe. In a context in which the global problem has only worsened in recent decades.
Starting —in the logical line— with the effects on the societies of the so-called “producing countries”. The reality is that today, between Bolivia, Colombia and Peru, there is more coca leaf production than in the past. Either because the areas have increased or because of productivity improvement. All at the cost of serious effects on the environment, violence in the dispossession of indigenous lands and corruption in police, prison and judicial structures.
The diversification of transit and marketing channels, on the other hand, is a factor that has been rampantly imposed. With this, the branches and repercussions of organized crime activity have been extended, as evidenced by the critical situation that today affects Ecuador as a key space in transit to US markets. And that with the extension of this series of oil stains to very powerful, omnipresent and violent Mexican cartels, it has left behind a reality in which a few cartels, like the one in Medellín led by the then omnipresent Pablo Escobar, served as a concentrated channel of export.
And the final consumption of cocaine hydrochloride. That not only has it not diminished —to the benefit, some say, of synthetic drugs— but it has increased and spread. For example, to countries like Brazil, which occupied a completely marginal space within global consumption. The irruption of synthetic drugs has not unseated, then, the place of coca/cocaine.
The so-called “opioid crisis” has already been added to—and far surpassed—illegal drugs in a country like the United States. The sanction of 650 million dollars, to finance education and prevention programs, imposed this week by an Ohio judge against the pharmaceutical chains Walmart, CVS and Walgreens for their role in the abusive consumption of opioids shows the dimension of this problem and an intelligent answer at last! According to the US CDC, overdose deaths of 100,000 people in 2021 have been the highest in history.
Besides public health effects, down the road, what else is left? A reality in which environmental problems, violence and corruption have worsened. And from which Dantesque spaces have sprung up like collapsed prison systems full of small-time retailers, many of them women. In Peruvian women’s prisons, the majority are humble women from the countryside who reside there for drug issues in which the lion’s share is taken by others.
And, as far as our countries are concerned, more cocaine is produced than in 2021. Last year the White House, in its annual report on the subject, detected a record increase in Colombia, close to 15%, the highest in the last decade. Likewise, an increase in the year of no less than 88,200 hectares in Peru. In Bolivia there would have been a slight decrease, according to this US report. But the UN report on the matter indicates something very different, that in Bolivia there would have been, rather, a significant increase in crops and production during the pandemic.
An interesting finding is that although there are differences between the White House report and the UN report, both documents agree that cocaine production increased. The UN report notes that the pandemic has triggered the world market and that it is estimated that around 275 million people used drugs in 2020 globally, which represents an increase of 22% compared to 2010.
The current global policy of repression in recent decades, therefore, has failed miserably and has only contributed to generating more violence and corruption. But, truth be told, generating an alternative policy to the failed one would require the “international community” to be actively and thoughtfully involved in it. Starting, by the way, with the producing countries in which the boost from the Petro government could generate a regional dynamic to get out of the inertia.
In this perspective there are, fortunately, very valuable and solid efforts that have been taking place for years in the world beyond the steps -or paralysis- of governments. These could—should they?—acquire greater vitality and chances of repercussion at this time. The main one of them is the Global Commission on Drug Policies and that could, should, be a fundamental driving force in this review process that is urgent and cannot be postponed.
Created in 2011 by former Heads of State and Government of the Americas and Europe with the aim of opening an honest and realistic debate on drugs, there is the Global Commission on Drug Policies. Currently chaired by Helen Clark, former Labor Prime Minister of New Zealand, it was previously chaired by Ruth Dreifuss, former President of Switzerland, and previously by Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former President of Brazil. It brings together twenty-six world leaders working to inspire better global drug policy based on scientific evidence and human rights. Its main objective is to achieve a profound reform of the drug control system in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by the United Nations.
In this perspective, at least four fundamental conceptual tools stand out that should come to the fore at the Latin American and global level.
First, drug policies that put people’s health and safety first, reducing the harm caused by drug use. The Biden government has correctly proposed treating addiction and overdoses as public health priorities in its country, and not as a subject of criminal and police prosecution.
Second, a strategy of putting the drug markets under the legal and strict control of the State together with serious public information policies on health. Third, local economic development, greater government presence and citizen security. Fourth, reform the policies and criteria within the United Nations multilateral system, taking into account the Common Position defined therein in 2018.
Succession of issues and challenges, then, that could and should call for a Latin American regional coordination that does not exist today.
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