At the turn of the year Hugo de Jonge wished us via LinkedIn a “loving, hopeful and healthy 2022”. A few days later he announced on the same platform that his task as Minister of Health, Welfare and Sport is almost over, and that his party has nominated him as Minister for Housing and Spatial Planning in the Rutte IV cabinet. I liked both LinkedIn messages from the corona minister, thanked him in a response for his unbridled efforts and wished him success and wisdom in his new position.
Very different was the tone of an old acquaintance who commented that De Jonge was “deceived” and did not allow himself to be guided by God: “Make decisions based on how Jesus would act and do not let fear rule your life.” When reading those words, I thought of the many corona discussions I involuntarily ended up in last year and the conclusion I drew from them: presenting facts is not enough to convince people to have the vaccine administered.
“Fictions are far more influential than reality in shaping history, politics and the economy,” stated Yuval Noah Harari. Winter guests. It is hoped that officials of Hugo de Jonge and other cabinet members not only read technical analyzes from the OMT, but also Harari’s bestseller sapiens to their diet. In it, the Israeli superstar shows how our imagination and ability to believe and spread (fictional) stories allow us to collaborate on a large scale and control animals other than humans.
The ability to tell stories can also drive us apart. That threatens to happen as our society finds itself in an information war in which disinformation is rampant. The government tries to contain Covid-19 by focusing on scientific insights, but at the same time watches helplessly as millions of citizens consume disinformation (read: fictional stories) about the coronavirus via their smartphones and other digital channels.
Scientists and other experts rely on ‘the’ truth. Yet it remains curious that the Dutch government is adopting a passive attitude towards the increasing wave of incorrect information. While contemporary conspiracy entrepreneurs with relatively few resources aggressively sow doubt in society about the origin and approach of corona, the executive branch continues to use traditional communication techniques.
This can of course be different, if the government dares to adopt the methods and channels of conspiracy entrepreneurs. Not all Dutch people are aware of the scientific methods and the technical briefing of the OMT, but the vast majority have a social media account where disinformation about the virus is spread. If even the most insignificant figures in their attic can spread rabid myths through WhatsApp and Facebook groups, why shouldn’t the government counterattack through the same channels?
In a liberal democracy, with John Stuart Mill in mind, we have until now assumed that all points of view in the public sphere deserve the same weight. But Mill’s liberalism has never heard of surveillance capitalism, micro-targeting, online bubbles or fake news. Fiction beats fact online.
As a society, we are aware of the risks that cyber attacks pose to the physical infrastructure and the survival of our country, as stated in the interview in NRC with outgoing Defense Minister Henk Kamp. But I wonder why we don’t see disinformation as a cyberattack, by both internal and external enemies.
After all, disinformation erodes trust in our institutions, with drastic consequences. How many lives would we save and how many lockdowns could we avoid if fictional stories didn’t take over from facts about the origins and effective handling of Covid-19? How healthier would our democracy be if fiction did not take over from facts in the public debate?
Just as we set up special forces to counter cyber-attacks, a minister for digital affairs could take the first steps towards establishing a digital army against disinformation.
This smacks of illiberal Russian practices. That is why we must ask serious questions about the legal frameworks. Is the cyber world the Wild West where disinformation is rampant? Should the moderation of information be left to tech giants? Or does the executive have a moral obligation to intervene?
Kiza Magendane is a political scientist and writes a column here every other week.
A version of this article also appeared in NRC on the morning of January 7, 2022
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