The Common Agricultural Policy, the covid passport or recovery plans, the main challenges in the coming months
The new Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), stagnant for years; the Climate Law –which obliges the bloc to achieve neutrality in 2050 and to meet the intermediate objective of reducing polluting emissions by 55% by 2030-; The Covid-19 Digital Certificate or the first recovery and resilience plans for post-pandemic reconstruction are some of the contributions left by the six-month Portuguese presidency of the EU. This Friday the witness is taken by Slovenia, which joined the club in 2004 and which already held the rotating presidency in 2008.
“Together. Resilient Europe ”will be its slogan for the next six months. A time for which commitments are made such as’ to facilitate the recovery of the EU and strengthen its resilience, reflect on the future of Europe, strengthen the rule of law and European values, and increase security and stability in the neighborhood European ”, as highlighted a week ago by Foreign Minister Anže Logar in the formal presentation ceremony. A summit scheduled for October that Ljubljana intends to be key to the integration of the Western Balkan neighbors would a priori be the highest level event of this stage.
The point is that we went from two pro-European presidencies during the pandemic (the German and the Portuguese) to another held by a country from Visegrad (a Eurosceptic club that includes Poland, Víktor Orban’s Hungary and the Czech Republic). So suspicions are served.
Because the independence of the judiciary or the media, equality policies and minority rights have pushed the discrepancies of Hungary and Poland with Brussels to the limit, but they also (although in a more tempered way) mark Slovenia . Orban’s homophobic law has recently triggered that tension. Attacked by practically all of the Twenty-seven a week ago she had the support of the Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and some understanding of the Slovenian Janez Janša.
This conservative populist, who was prosecuted (though not convicted) for alleged corruption and who rules in coalition with right-wing and centrist parties, has adopted a moderate and conciliatory tone on Hungarian law that, it is hoped, will persist throughout the presidency. Although it is not so clear that it will be like that. Janša is not Orban, right. His party, the conservative SDS, maintains its link with the European People’s Party (EPP) that the Magyar Fidesz severed long ago. And your country, along with the Czech Republic, were fully aligned with the rest of the EU in last year’s budget discussions. But there is no consistency in their behavior. Rather, ambiguity.
Because the Slovenian prime minister also sent a letter to several European leaders supporting the veto of Hungary and Poland to the multiannual budget 2021-2027 for its link to the rule of law – his coalition partners came to ask him to resign – or he held an alleged free hand electoral victory of Donald Trump, days before the triumph of Democrat Joe Biden was confirmed.
Add to this his well-known attacks on the independence of the media, the cut in funding for the country’s only news agency, STA, which Janša called a “national shame”. Since its Executive, several magistrates have been accused of “partiality” and even a blockade is maintained on the appointment of two national prosecutors to form part of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office.
A controversial decision that de facto leaves this recently created body lame and that has led to a severe collision with the community legislature. So tensions are predicted in the mediation work that this illiberal government has entrusted until December 31 between the States and the European Parliament, also organizing calendars and debates.