An agent collected the money in the Vice Presidency of the Government and took it to Roldán, as detailed in Manglano’s papers
The documentation that Emilio Alonso Manglano kept as gold in cloth continues to cause people to talk. One day after the publication of ‘The chief of spies’, the biography of the former director of Cesid,
ABC It once again exclusively offers another controversial chapter, the one in which Mario Conde is in the crosshairs of the Government of Felipe González.
At the beginning of 1991, the fear that the banker would lead Banesto to ruin takes root, and the Executive secretly orders the Kroll agency to investigate Conde. It is the Crillon report, divided into four parts. Manglano kept it bound.
The first part, as revealed by ABC, begins like this: «Before September 1983, the date on which he received commissions for the sale of Laboratorios Abelló, Conde did not have significant assets (…) The scheme formed by the companies through which it has , claims to have or has had shares in Banesto, is clearly designed to hide the truth of its financial situation (…) It tends to reinforce rather than dispel the suspicion that it has substantially benefited from illegal or undeclared transactions, or it is operating with the financial backing of hidden support ». The authors of the report acknowledge that to prepare it, they cross red lines when someone from the Tax Agency provides or sells them taxpayer data.
With this report, on December 28, 1993, the Bank of Spain intervened Banesto for an equity hole of more than 600,000 million pesetas.
The report on the report
According to the general director of the Civil Guard, Luis Roldán, Vice President Narcís Serra gave the order, Roldán himself commissioned it and the international detective agency Kroll drew it up. According to this account, the cost was 100 million pesetas in charge of the reserved funds. This was stated by Roldán in March 1995 before Judge Baltasar Garzón, but this statement fell on deaf ears, as the Second Chamber of the Supreme Court closed the case.
As for how it was paid, the Civil Guard investigation maintains that “one afternoon a person from the Secretary of the Vice President of the Government (Narcís Serra) called to have an envelope removed. This person spoke with Lieutenant Colonel Solís and told him to send a trusted person, because it contained seven million pesetas. The Office Secretary sent Sergeant Trinidad and, once the envelope was collected, it was kept in the Office Secretary’s safe. The following day, when Mr. Roldán was informed of the existence of the envelope, he ordered that it be sent to Mr. Julián Sancristóbal. Likewise, on other occasions, by order of Mr. Roldán, Lieutenant Colonel Fuentes sent members of the bodyguard to collect envelopes with money from the Vice Presidency of the Government. The amount collected was, normally, about seven million pesetas, which were given to the former director general, who, in turn, sent it to Don Julián Sancristóbal. In addition, “Lieutenant Colonel Fuentes recalls that on one occasion Mr. Roldán said that the vice president was short of money and that he was going to have to put some reserves.”
Sancristóbal, former civil governor of Vizcaya convicted of the kidnapping of Segundo Marey, admitted in court to having paid 67 million pesetas to the Kroll agency for the report. Narcís Serra reminds the authors that the Supreme Court, after the complaint filed by the PP, considered that “it was the government’s obligation to request reports on people who could create difficulties in the good government of the country.” The former vice president of Felipe González not only denies having paid for the report, but even having seen it “beyond a summary.”