In Junts per Catalunya there are no spies, fetid dossiers or flying katanas. But months of internal discussions about the future of the formation accumulate. The missteps of the president of the Parliament, Laura Borràs, undermine her career to take over the reins. And yesterday, the president of the party, Carles Puigdemont, escaped from justice in Belgium, added more suspense by not clarifying whether he will continue to reconcile the leadership of the party with that of the so-called Council for the Republic.
In up to four interventions, in the investiture debate of that Belgian body that seeks to lead the Catalan independence movement, the former president if he believed both charges compatible. “When I have to choose between the party and the country, I will choose the country,” he said. The representatives (who are no longer quotas of parties and entities) made Junts’ “autonomist policy” ugly in the Government.
Several sources believe that it will be at the next Junts congress, in the summer, when Puigdemont makes the decision. The formation has not had enough space to mature during these two years of life, with an electoral defeat and the pandemic in between. That little filming has been compensated with a refuge in the opposition to ERC in relation to the relationship with the Government. Junts rejects the strategy of dialogue and waves the flag of “intelligent confrontation”. But, at the same time, the party ministries are negotiating with Madrid.
That strategy, however, sometimes seems to have no head. Puigdemont is the leader and the reason for the existence of Junts, but his presidency is not executive. “Puigdemont is oblivious to any internal struggle,” says one of his faithful. But he knows that his decision will be providential.
The former president he was elected in tandem with Jordi Sànchez, former leader of the Catalan National Assembly (ANC). Despite the great support, the general secretary has already met with detractors. For example, when he negotiated the last stage of the investiture of Pere Aragonès. Or the push and pull of the regional budgets that, instead of the CUP, had the commons as partners.
Sànchez was attacked from several flanks. For example, those closest to the traditional theses of Jordi Turull, also pardoned. The former convergent continues to have great ascendancy among a part of the militants. And although he cannot hold public office, he can aspire to everything within the organic life of the party.
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The leading voice in the Govern is that of Vice President Jordi Puigneró, a leadership that continues to fail. There was even talk of him as a possible candidate for the Generalitat. And although in his public speech he increases the decibels before the Government, his department is the one that works on transfers of pending powers with the central Executive, such as commuter trains.
“From the Government, party fights are not very popular”, recognizes a senior official of the Catalan Administration. The last episodes carried out by Borràs (the staging to show that he disobeyed in the case of the deputy cupaire Pau Juvillà, for example) have not gone down well.
But Borràs continues to have the trump card of the support of the militancy and knows that, today, few overshadow him. In an interview to The Mon, the deputy Jaume Alonso Cuevillas accepted that there is an internal battle and that there are voices within the party that want to wear down Borràs. Another unknown before the congress is what the head of Economy, Jaume Giró, wants to do. Although he has announced his will to become a militant, as this newspaper advanced, he still hasn’t taken the step.
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