A dinner at the restaurant of the Hotel Intercontinental, in Bela Vista, São Paulo, ended the day of recording advertising pieces for the presidential candidate of Podemos, Sérgio Moro, on February 25th. The meal in the virtually empty environment, which he had accompanied only by his wife, lawyer Rosângela Moro, symbolized, to a certain extent, the ex-judge’s pre-campaign routine – marked in recent months by little attended events and without the presence of leaders partisans.
Since joining and launching the race for the Palácio do Planalto, Moro remains in the 10% range in polls. His pre-campaign schedule didn’t take off either. The former judge has participated in events with a small audience, in which he basically speaks to former supporters and fans of Lava Jato. And he still hasn’t managed to rally relevant support.
Moro faces internal wear and tear at Podemos. Faced with this situation, he surrounded himself with a trusted group, separated from the top of the party. Like the former judge, some of the members of this nucleus are novices in elections.
The presidential candidate had delegated political articulation to the president of Podemos, Renata Abreu. In addition to the Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL), made up of Moro enthusiasts and supporters, no other relevant agreement was made. “These supports are often more relevant than the parties,” said the former judge, at an event held by the Credit Suisse bank. The relationship with the MBL, however, was shaken by the leaked audios of Arthur do Val (Podemos) – the state deputy admitted that he made sexist statements about Ukrainian women. He broke up with the congressman, who gave up the pre-candidacy for the government of São Paulo.
According to reports collected by the report with members of the pre-campaign and Podemos, Moro has resisted potential partisan agreements. He recently dodged a meeting with PSD president Gilberto Kassab. Kassab’s advisers reported that Renata Abreu had sought him out – as part of an effort to speak with various parties – but the visit did not materialize.
The PSD affiliated the president of the Senate, Rodrigo Pacheco (MG), with the objective of launching him to the presidency. Pacheco indicates that he will not run for the Planalto, and Kassab is now trying to attract the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Eduardo Leite (PSDB), by making him the party’s presidential candidate. The party, however, may abandon its own candidacy to align itself with former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT).
After an initial enthusiasm, part of Podemos began to have reluctance to accept Moro’s candidacy. The party’s leadership has been pressured by parliamentarians not to allocate large amounts of money to the presidential campaign. Regional leaders and former members of the PHS – which was incorporated by Podemos – prefer to elect deputies and increase the share of the party association in the party and electoral funds.
Renata Abreu even admitted the possibility of Moro migrating to União Brasil. Leaders of União Brasil, such as Luciano Bivar, spoke with the former judge, but the negotiations did not advance. On the bench of the new acronym, which will have almost R$ 1 billion in public resources for campaigns, there is resistance to the name of Moro.
The lack of harmony in the pre-campaign stimulated the ex-judge’s allies to start raising funds to cover future expenses. Moro has become inseparable from lawyer Luis Felipe Cunha, with whom he has been friends for over a decade. Cunha was never involved with campaigns, but was appointed coordinator of the pre-candidacy.
“Sérgio Moro and I have been friends for many years and we met through mutual friends,” said the lawyer. A specialist in litigation, his clientele included Petrobras – which was at the center of Lava Jato -, Sesc de Brasília and soccer players.
Cunha fulfills the task of trying to attract Moro supporters among businessmen. Alongside the former judge, the lawyer had meetings with names in the hospital equipment sector. The two also met with education entrepreneur Wilson Picker. In 2018, Picker donated BRL 800,000 to the PSL and supported the candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro. Cunha has also brought Moro closer to Paulo Marinho, a businessman who broke up with the president.
To interlocutors, the lawyer has said that the goal is to raise R$ 25 thousand per month from a universe of approximately 40 entrepreneurs. The idea is to have R$ 1 million monthly for the campaign. The onslaught was reported by the Metrópoles portal and confirmed to Estadão by campaign agents and Podemos. Responsible for party communication, Fernando Vieira stated that the party did not “separate balance or separate account”. “There is this question proposed by Luis Felipe and Moro. The possibility of creating a donation line for the campaign that would have a differentiated control of access to transparency, although Moro’s transparency is very high”, said Vieira.
Changes in electoral marketing started from Cunha. Vieira, the first marketer to work with the former judge, ended up discarded. His original post went to Pablo Nobel. Paulo Vasconcelos, who worked for Aécio Neves (PSDB) in 2014 and was later denounced by Odebrecht executives for allegedly receiving donations via box 2 in 2014 and 2010, has also remained close to the pre-campaign.
“I can say that he (Paulo Vasconcelos) was one of the people who suggested the name Pablo Nobel for the marketing of the campaign. Pablo and Paulo are longtime friends and have had professional experiences together.
Today, Paulo is involved in a big project in Rio de Janeiro. But, as a fan of Moro, he contributes with suggestions for the communication structure of the campaign”, said Cunha.
Members of Podemos say they are unhappy with the choices, since the party has already hired marketers. A leader summed up the current moment of the relationship, saying that the legend and the pre-campaign of Moro live a “separation of bodies”.
Vasconcelos’ lawyer, Paulo Crosara, said the whistleblower’s allegations were “unfounded.” “They can’t prove what they’re saying, because it didn’t happen, they are statements to get the whistleblower. This will be proven in court.” The report was unable to contact Paulo Marinho.
Pre-candidate has empty events and no leaders of the acronym
Sérgio Moro’s departure from the Podemos summit is reflected in the presidential candidate’s agenda. He has participated in several events with little public and, at times, without any party leader. Not even the president of the acronym, Renata Abreu, attends some of the meetings.
In São Paulo, in February, the former judge attended a meeting of the “Mulheres com Moro” movement, which is not linked to the party. The audience at Teatro Bibi Ferreira filled half of five of the theater’s 14 rows. The space at the top was empty. “My generation was deceived,” said the movement’s leader, Professor Patrícia Garcia, amid microphone failures. Moro even had to speak without the equipment, because of technical problems with the sound.
The event was attended by representatives of the “República de Curitiba”, a group that camped at the door of Justice and the Federal Public Ministry in Paraná to commemorate Lava Jato arrests. Deputy Junior Bozzella (SP), one of the solitary voices in the União Brasil that takes over Moro’s move to the party, was at the side of the pre-candidate.
In Juazeiro do Norte (CE), Moro received the title of citizen of the municipality in an event attended by the mayor, Gêdson Bezerra (Podemos), also emptied.
The information is from the newspaper. The State of São Paulo.
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