After having suffered for almost six years from judicial blockade in the Supreme Court in political lawfare mode opposition of the PRIANthe judicial reform outlined by the President López Obrador that will launch the President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo it is not a populist madness but something that in the balance of power groups within the political system/government regime is known as “insurance policy”.
The judicial reform of 1994 that imposed the President Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León as a representative left by accident PRI and determined to maintain a healthy distance from the state party as a definition of government, was motivated precisely by his position against the grain of PRI practices. The renewal of the Court and the incorporation of constitutional controversies and unconstitutionality actions allowed Zedillo a series of reforms contrary to the logic of the PRI but having as “insurance policy” to a Judiciary separate from the PRI system/regime.
The package of initiatives announced by the President López Obrador On February 5, it was naturally presented as a banquet of constitutional controversies and unconstitutionality actions due to the configuration of the majority of eight of the eleven ministers; and although Sheinbaum has the possibility of appointing a minister at the end of this year and another in 2027, in any case the distribution of the Judicial Power through judges, magistrates and ministers threatened to become a blockage of the reformist initiatives of the 4-T.
The structural reform model of the Power of attorney as an “insurance policy” in the context of alternating a new approach to Executive power has been studied legally by itself Supreme Court, as contained in the digital book Art. 105. Twenty years is nothing. The Supreme Court and constitutional justice before and after the judicial reform of 1994, coordinated by Camilo Emiliano Saavedra Herrera, jurisprudential researcher at the Center for Constitutional Studies of the Court (https://www.sitios.scjn.gob.mx/cec /sites/default/files/publication/documents/2019-05/Serie%20Art%20105%20number%203%20Veinte%20años%20no%20es%20nada_0.pdf).
Zedillo was not the president of the Republic constructed by Salinas and he became a candidate during Holy Week in 1994 as a beneficiary of the assassination of the official candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta. Certainly, Zedillo was signed up, in the Salinas transexennial model for the 2000 candidacy, but he would have half a six-year term to join the Salinas project in mafia mode.
In fact, Zedillo was outlined as an absolute continuity of President Salinas de Gortari’s project, with the exception that the murder of Colosio was crossed along the way, the version of a State crime and Zedillo were introduced into the collective social imagination. He was going to have to carry the political corpses of Colosio and Salinas for six years, something that did not suit his own authoritarian and unidirectional way of functioning.
Likewise, Zedillo was far from imagining a transition to democracy carried out by his administration, but the political tensions within the Salinista succession raised alarm bells about certain authoritarian styles of Salinas: the control of the campaign, the exclusion of his true political promoter Joseph-Marie Córdoba Montoya, the murder of José Francisco Ruiz Massieu as Zedillo’s political operator who was already outlining in September 1994 a proposal for a transition to democracy that would immediately liquidate the transexennial salinate and the Salinas-Zedillo disputes over the exchange rate.
Zedillo denied any concessions to Salinas even before the end of the six-year term, especially the insistence of the outgoing president to keep Pedro Aspe Armella in the Ministry of Finance. Zedillo was not a jurist, but as an economist in the Secretariat of Programming and Budget he was always concerned about the legal profile of his decisions and even had a small advisory group on constitutional law.
Zedillo’s judicial reform was prepared during his time as president-elect and was launched within the first six days of being sworn in as president. As he knew that the PRI system/regime/State/Constitution was going to block his reforms, Zedillo took care of himself and bought an “insurance policy” by changing the Judiciary and making it an ally of his presidency.
The judicial reform of President López Obrador and President Sheinbaum is the “insurance policy” to prevent the PRIAN from blocking the constitutional reforms announced since February 5.
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