President Joseph Biden turned the list of invitees to the IX Summit of the Americas into an ideal setting to fulfill his commitment to return the United States to world leadership on the American continent, but President López Obrador took the opportunity to take a small step towards the establishment of a relative autonomy of Mexico with respect to imperial interests.
In objective terms, the IX summit will seek to impose the US logic in its relations with the countries of the continent: a hegemony of the White House, the consolidation of the OAS as the Department of Colonies, the traditional theoretical model of representative democracy and warnings of possible exclusions of countries that assume characteristics of populist systems.
The most serious and aggressive part of the IX Summit was the creation of the certification criteria for ideologies and political regimes by the White House, breaking the period of US distancing from the definition of Latin American and Caribbean governments; that is, an imperial return to the 1962 model when the United States ordered the OAS countries to break diplomatic relations with Cuba due to its definition of a Marxist-Leninist regime and its acceptance under the protection of the Soviet Union.
The Mexican argument was not understood in Washington: it was sought that the meeting fulfill its function of a new understanding with the countries of the region without requiring a certificate of capitalist and subordinate democratization and without leaving clear indications that forms of interventionism were coming from the United States. in the countries south of the Rio Grande to force them to submit to the dictates of US interests.
The Mexican proposal outlined an OAS similar to the UN, where all the countries of the world have a place and the exclusions must meet strict requirements for their application.
The two central themes of the Summit — migration and democracy — themselves represent a return to the imperial interventionism of the 1960s to 1990s when the White House financed coups, imposed military dictatorships, and advised leacher elites on counterinsurgency techniques. that included torture, three central issues that are part of the Latin American grievances with the United States because the White House at that time did not promote representative procedural democracy but rather imposed a strategic submission to the ideological interests of US capitalism.
Migration and democracy will be a priority on President Biden’s agenda, taking into account that the former will not go beyond the US demand that Latin American and Caribbean countries forcibly prevent caravans of applicants to enter US territory and that the second, it will vindicate theoretical representative democracy as the only thought, which in no way works in the United States, where the interests of the 1% of the property-owning elite impose the economic and racial exclusion rules.
The issue of democracy, which had already been clumsily unburdened by the White House at the end of 2021 with its Summit for Democracy, which President López Obrador did not attend either, represents a new phase of imposing political regimes right on the situation in which the societies south of the Rio Grande have recovered the value of their vote –essence of representative democracy– to give themselves popular or populist governments, abandoning the Cuban revolutionary and guerrilla path since the 1990s and playing with the rules of the system.
The model of exclusion that President Biden applied for his IX Summit has only begun a phase of American isolation in a world where societies determine their destinies –in the right-mistake model– without going through the imposition of States States of the capitalist regime that reached the extreme cases in which the White House directly endorsed coups against local societies.
The biggest fact of the crisis at Biden’s IX Summit of the Americas has to do with the fact that President López Obrador clearly established –in the scenario of the 2024 presidential candidacy– the new bilateral relationship with the United States. from the recognition of the existence of Mexican national interests, breaking with the model of absolute submission that President Carlos Salinas de Gortari signed in 1993 with the Free Trade Agreement in Negroponte mode: subordinating Mexico to the interests of Washington.
policy for dummies: Foreign policy is a zero-sum game.
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