The millions of non-independence Catalans who trusted the law and justice to defend their constitutional rights are seriously affected and weakened.
Following the Pedro Sánchez government’s decision to release nine of the sedition and embezzlement convicts for organizing the illegal referendum on October 1 without serving their sentences, the state is not stronger but more weakened. The highest judicial instance of the State embodied in the Supreme Court that rejected outright pardons that do not meet any of the legal requirements to apply them is nonexistent. A large part of the public opinion that voted for the two great national parties, PSOE and PP, is mocked and humiliated, in whose programs it was stated that the condemned would serve their sentences until the end. The millions of non-independence Catalans who trusted the law and justice to defend their constitutional rights were seriously affected and weakened. The principle that national sovereignty resides in the whole of the Spanish people and is not divisible, nor divisible, will suffer to levels difficult to calculate. The melon is emerging that each community can claim its own “right to decide.”
Sanchismo may have a short-term media success, but the PSOE will be seriously weakened in its coherence and credibility. Perhaps we have entered a phase of liquid and utilitarian politics that is drenching citizens with its fine rain. And Sanchez may be free to pay the price for his nonsense at the polls. We will see. But there is no doubt that the nationalists win in the state-secession equation. As has been proven throughout the democratic stage, the sovereign periphery has an enormous capacity to take advantage of moments of weakness of the State. Like Morocco. A weak state, a reflection of a government of fragmentation and a flood of particularistic interests, is easy prey to all the local caciquismos who subject it to permanent blackmail.
Sánchez presents the measures of grace such as the preamble to the reunion, harmony and the normalization of the indepes. But it has just been twelve years since Zapatero’s premonition when he said that his government would accept whatever was decided in Parliament. “Within ten years Spain will be stronger and Catalonia will be more integrated,” he prophesied. It is easy to cheat the loner when you want to stay in power even if for this you have to give up principles, values and sovereignty. The president said in the act of presentation of the pardons in the Liceu theater that he will change the country. That you have a new country project. The question is: Who has asked you to change the country? Have you stood in the elections promising to change the country?
We will soon know, a dialogue and negotiation table through, if these euphemisms contain other plans. In what direction do you plan to change the country? Because if the change is to alter the constitutional pact of 78, it has neither the mandate nor the necessary parliamentary force. Unless you plan to do it through the back door. The illegal independence movement was on the ropes and losing social support, with the application of 155, the Supreme Court ruling, the flight of Puigdemont and international indifference. With the pardons, Sánchez has given them an oxygen balloon.