October 7th will go down in Israel’s history as a disastrous failure of political and military leadership. Prime Minister Netanyahu has not yet taken direct responsibility for this.
Tel Aviv – These are the rather rare appearances of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In a televised address scheduled at short notice that evening, he addressed the nation.
Dressed in black, he reiterates the goal of destroying the Islamist Hamas in the Gaza Strip, holds out the prospect of a ground offensive, and calls for solidarity. The acceptance of responsibility for the political and military failure on the day of the bloody attack by Hamas continues to fail on day 18.
Instead, Netanyahu is promising an investigation into the events of October 7 after the war. “This failure will be fully investigated, everyone will have to give answers – including me.” It is currently his responsibility to “secure the future of the country”.
Criticism of Netanyahu
Unlike Defense Minister Joav Galant or the heads of Israeli secret services, Netanyahu has so far refused to publicly admit his own mistakes. Observers agree that the 74-year-old wants to hold on to his position even after the war. And this despite the fact that the worst massacre in Israeli history could take place under his leadership. “A person who is responsible for the future goes nowhere,” writes Israeli commentator Ben Caspit in the newspaper Maariv.
Netanyahu’s attempts to ensure his political survival have dominated the headlines in Israel for days. According to the media, Israel’s longest-serving head of government has already commissioned a list of those possibly responsible for the debacle.
“He’s very involved in the day after, even now when he should be concentrating on other things,” said expert Chuck Freilich of the Israel Institute for Security Studies. Netanyahu’s machine, including his political advisers, tried to shift blame for the debacle.
Above all, the military leadership and Defense Minister Joav Galant are high on Netanyahu’s “blame list”. They were certainly significantly involved in the debacle, says Freilich. “But Netanyahu is the head of government.”
In his view, Netanyahu and his right-wing extremist coalition partners bear the main blame for the catastrophic failure of the first day, with around 1,400 people killed by Hamas. The government was distracted and concentrated on its extreme plans to restructure the judiciary, says Freilich. For months, these divided Israeli society; warnings – including from Galant – about a threat to Israel’s security went unheeded.
Demonstrations and protests
Thousands of reservists announced that they would no longer serve because of the policy. “The military was on the verge of falling apart, the soldiers took their eye off the ball,” says Freilich. It is difficult to say whether he will be able to keep Netanyahu in office despite everything: “I don’t think so, but he will do everything for it.”
The anger towards the head of government is also partly reflected on the streets of Tel Aviv. Where demonstrators gathered four weeks ago against the judicial reform plans, today there are protests to free the more than 220 hostages kidnapped in the Gaza Strip. Many demonstrators are calling for the end of Netanyahu’s term in office.
Stickers and posters on Kaplan Street in Tel Aviv last weekend showed the head of government with a blood-red hand on his face. On others it was written: “The Destroyer of Israel.” The demonstrations are not on the same scale as before the war.
Hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets against Netanyahu’s government for months. Now there are several hundred. For many Israelis, the time for protests is not yet right. It is often said in public discourse that there will be a reckoning after the war.
Trust in the military – but not in political leadership
The massive loss of trust is also reflected in recent surveys. According to studies by the Israeli Democracy Institute (IDI), only 18 percent of those surveyed still trust the political leadership. According to the IDI, this is the lowest level since it began measuring in 2003. What is particularly noticeable is the loss of trust to 31 percent within Netanyahu’s conservative electorate. In June it was 42 percent.
Trust in the military, however, remains unchallenged at 87 percent. The Israeli army has always been the most supported institution in Israel. “Even if trust was seriously violated, in the end the people of Israel understand that they can only win with the military,” says Freilich.
Thousands of soldiers are already ready on the border with the Gaza Strip to achieve this goal. The decisive order for a ground offensive is still pending. Military representatives have repeatedly emphasized in recent days that the ball is in the politicians’ court. The further course of action does not seem to have been finally decided yet.
Plan for “the day after”
“There continues to be disagreement about what the right strategy is,” said Michael Milshtein, a Palestinian affairs expert at Reichman University. Some wanted even tougher action, others called for more time to prepare the military.
The question of “afterwards” also plays a crucial role. “Destroy Hamas” is a slogan that is said lightly. “But then who will take control? How do you ensure that whoever takes control stays in power?” Added to this is the fate of the more than 200 hostages kidnapped in the Gaza Strip.
But the pressure from society is great, says Milshtein. For many Israelis it is clear that there is no way back. You can no longer live with “these kinds of monsters” as neighbors, says Milshtein, referring to the atrocities committed by Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip. “It’s as if we are under existential threat 24/7.” He believes Israel’s current Gaza policy has clearly failed.
However, waiting is not easy for the soldiers, says security expert Freilich. “They want to react hard and quickly, they want to make up for the failure of the first day.” For many fighters, it is now crucial to show that they can win after the Hamas massacre on October 7th. “You need a success.” dpa
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