The government set up many employment working groups made up of representatives of employees and employers, but there has been no desirable help from them.
Prime minister Sanna Marinin (sd) The board will meet on Wednesday and Thursday for a so-called mid-conflict.
Many government sources describe the negotiation as the most difficult for the government.
There are three major entities in the negotiations, all of which are interlinked.
The government should decide on a so-called sustainability roadmap for the 2030s. Among other things, it outlines the means by which additional indebtedness can be stopped.
Second, the government should decide how firmly it will return to the spending framework agreed at the beginning of the government term after the giant borrowing of the Corona era.
The third big entity is employment decisions.
The more the government makes decisions that can be credibly expected to increase employment, the easier it is, for example, to cross frames and draw a sustainability roadmap without major cuts.
Before these big things are agreed, the government should also decide how peat entrepreneurs are assisted and what is done for net fishing for seals. Even there is no consensus on these yet.
Especially the center believes that employment will improve if workers agree more on working conditions in the workplace.
The Center, the RKP and the Greens and many economists believe that the unemployed will apply for jobs more quickly if earnings-related unemployment security cut or made so-called job-seeking more encouraging.
For the SDP and perhaps also for the Left Alliance, decisions on local bargaining and earnings-related unemployment security would apply if wage earners and employers agreed to them.
After the election first Antti Rinteen (sd) and since then have been applied for by the Marin government assistance in their decisions from working groups, which include representatives of employees and employers.
There is a pile of dissenting reports.
If the social partners had better distances, they might be able to agree on both workplace arrangements and even earnings-related unemployment benefits.
Left Alliance inside, there has been a threat that the party will leave the government if earnings-related unemployment security is weakened. There is a threat from the center, on the other hand, that it will leave if it is not weakened.
The SDP is a prime minister’s party that could perhaps, under certain conditions, accept tightening on merit-based to keep the government afloat.
However, the decision is difficult if not impossible, because the trade union movement, which is important to the party, will not accept the weakening. Sdp fears that its declining support continues to worsen sadly just before the municipal elections.
If the social partners were better off, employers and employees could be able to agree on both workplace arrangements and even earnings-related unemployment benefits.
However, the gaps have widened year after year since employers withdrew from broad income policy agreements in 2016.
Trade union movement would like to see broader entities in employment decisions in order to bundle unpleasant and comfortable decisions for employees.
This is not happening, but employers are demanding progress one thing at a time so that their goals are not watered down.
The Confederation of Finnish Industries (EK) and its member companies have done their best to ensure that the government does not receive side support from the labor market in its intention to agree on employment measures.
During the SDP-led government, EK’s position on local settlement and, for example, earnings-related unemployment security has tightened what it was still Juha Sipilän during the (central) right-wing government.
This spring, the trade union movement became nervous when EK’s member association Teknologiateollisuus decided to split in two. The member companies of the organization can decide whether they want to agree on collective agreements with the Confederation of Finnish Employees.
The information was appropriately disclosed before the mid-government rally. This was the collapse of the government’s last dreams of getting the trade union movement to agree on a local agreement.
There are no signs that there is anyone strong enough in Finland to lead the renewal of labor market rules.
Trade union movement The horror picture is that of unions the general binding nature of the working conditions it makes is crumbling, which may also be the goal of the Technology Industry.
All companies in the sector must abide by universally binding agreements if about half of the employees in the sector are covered by the agreement.
There are members in the Demars who hope that the labor market will be able to undergo reforms that will open up the labor market stalemate before the start of the troubled contract round next autumn.
At the moment, there are no signs that there will be anyone strong enough in Finland to lead the renewal of labor market rules.
The power figure of the trade union movement is the chairman of the Confederation of Finnish Industry Riku Aalto, but he is probably more angry than innovative in the decision of the Technology Industry.
Usually, at this stage, the Confederation of Finnish Industry and the Technology Industry have already tentatively prepared for the autumn negotiations, but this time Aalto does not even have a negotiating partner known.
Marin goes to lead the midfield with cards that are not good.
The SDP’s traditional ally trade union movement is no longer a helper, but its anxiety is rather a brake on the government.
Support for the SDP is declining. Marin has been so focused on tackling the corona crisis that other governing parties are questioning whether he has the ability and energy to solve other government problems.
Marin’s attitude to the Coalition has been so cool that he doesn’t have a Coalition joker in his back pocket if the center decides to leave the government.
The only hope for Marin and the board is that at the rih table, the players will find that they don’t have a better game club right now.
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