He unfolded of 150 militants from old Mexican Communist Party to favor of Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo last Monday helped to clearly establish the political scene reality of the presidential elections regarding two ideological projects very clear: the social populist that comes from the historical left and the neoliberal that drives the coalition of the ideological spectrum center-right/far-right.
It took the progressive sectors almost three decades to mobilize society from the student marches of ’68 against repressive autocracy of the grenadiers of the PRI and endorsed by BREAD in Congress and arrived in 1982 and conquered the Zocalo of the city of mexico with the rally closing campaign candidate of the left communist PCM-Unified Socialist Party of Mexico, Arnoldo Martínez Verdugo.
Journalists Rogelio Hernández and Roberto Rock, from the newspaper El Universal, made professional history with the coverage of the first formal and legal presidential campaign of the communist left: the PCM had obtained its registration in 1978, participated in an improvised manner in the legislative elections of 1979 with 5.4% of the votes and had its first recognized presidential candidate in 1982 with the conquest of more than 800 thousand votes, 3.5% of the electorate.
The chronicle of the rally that packed the Zócalo on June 19, 1982 recorded the presence of more than 100 thousand militants of the socialist-communist left, breaking the model of the ruling PRI-PAN bloc until the political reform of 1978 that legalized the Communist Party . The journalistic texts, which should be required reading in the few journalism schools that care about training media professionals, were put together by Hernández and rock in the book Zócalo Rojo, published by the publishing house Ocean, with a caricature on the cover that is nothing less than Rogelio Naranjo.
The history of the PCM was overwhelmed by the PRI origin of the Democratic Current of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano: in 1989, the PCM gave Cárdenas its legal registration to configure a new left-wing party, but the dissident PRI members did not understand the ideological political conflict of the old communism with post-Cardenism as mixed populism. The PRD forgot the socialist definitions of the PCM, they registered a social democratic party with an ideological approach between post-Cardenista and neo-Alemanista and today the embers of the PRD do not hide its ideological definition of nineteenth-century liberalism in Coparmex mode.
The left that conquered the Zócalo Rojo in 1982 clearly defined a socialist project, but with guarantees of democratic functioning, that is, it adjusted to the formal rules of electoral democracy. The problem, however, was that this socialist left came across a society lobotomized by PRI Cardenism and by the ideological agreements of the PRI with the PAN for a mixed economy that deactivated the social potential of the State. When President Salinas de Gortari defined the PRI as the party of market neoliberalism in March 1992, the left had been isolated within the PRD and Cardenismo 2.0 was nothing more than a caricature of the old populist model of the PRI.
The list of the 150 militants of the old Communist Party, circulated on Monday, clarifies precisely that two communists already placed on the business right of Claudio X. González do not participate in the list: Joel Ortega Juárez and Jorge G. Castañeda, the two undersigned of the deployment of intellectuals in favor of Gálvez Ruiz, although the renegade Roger Bartra must also be included in the guise of Isaac Deutscher, who abandoned the right of the PCM, a few years ago landed as the ideologue of Alito’s PRI and became the tip of launches against the populism of President López Obrador.
The communist left stepped aside in the PRD and its militants were placed at the disposal of minor positions in PRD local governments and without any intention of confrontation with the ex-PRI leadership in the PRD and in fact they were marginalized from the party’s tasks. Today, those communist figures who continue to have influence in some social and union sectors of university students resurface to confront old militants of the faded communist left – the PSUM and the PMS – who separated from the party to form academic pressure groups and who They ended up controlling some autonomous organizations of the State and also autonomous of society and are the basis of the PFRAN.
The nuclear movement of ’68 had its ideological climax in the Red Zócalo of 1982, but from then until 2024 the business right washed out the chromatic message to turn the ideological red into a business pink.
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