That time in which a party was chosen and voted for it during one’s lifetime, except perhaps indulging in a few rounds of waltzes with some other mark, is over, just as the time in which the communist’s son voted for communist and that of the Christian Democrat voted is over. Christian Democrat, except for some acts of domestic rebellion.
The last administrative elections are nothing more than the last piece that shows us how post-ideological politics has become, and how much an elector, who defines himself on the left or on the right, values a much wider spectrum of possibilities. However, including abstention, given the meager turnout figures. Just see Milan, a city just the day before yesterday stronghold of the Berlusconi center-right, considered impregnable until the sensational victory of Giuliano Pisapia in 2011, in which last Sunday he prevailed Beppe Sala with percentages that seem more suited to Mugello red.
Such a rapid flow of votes in the first republic would have been very unusual, but certainly not today: it has been said and reiterated how in Rome the popular districts east of the center, which formed the so-called red belt, have moved to the right over time. with forays towards the Cinque Stelle, as well as the Parioli, a former stronghold of the right, are now a fief of the Democratic Party. And so it is that in the two central municipalities of Rome, those where the average income is higher, the clash at the last vote was not between Gualtieri And Michetti, but between Gualtieri and Calenda, a kind of derby inside the center-left that is more reminiscent of the primaries than an election for the mayor.
Such changes in the electoral map, which may reflect social and economic changes or the right or wrong choice of a candidate, also reflect an increasingly rapid and polarized society, in which the longevity of the consensus of a leader or party of the moment is becoming increasingly elusive. Think of Renzi’s Democratic Party, which in a few years went from 40 percent in the 2014 Europeans to the 18 of the 2018 policies, the same ones in which the Five Stars obtained 32 percent, only to collapse to 17 in the Europeans of the following year. The same Europeans in which Salvini made the League reach a historic 34 percent, a percentage that a few months later would have started, polls in hand, a significant decline after the Papeete crisis. If the electorate is becoming more and more volatile, it is precisely because, once the opposition between the blocs has fallen, problems are no longer answered with social and economic models, but with solutions that, valid or not, do not always have the weight of an ideal. behind.
All this in a society that is getting faster and faster, favoring contrasts and letting ideas last as long as the interactions they receive on social media: no wonder that this speed is also reflected in the voting booth.
Continue reading in the weekly The Post Internazionale-TPI: click here.
That time in which a party was chosen and voted for it during one’s lifetime, except perhaps indulging in a few rounds of waltzes with some other mark, is over, just as the time in which the communist’s son voted for communist and that of the Christian Democrat voted is over. Christian Democrat, except for some acts of domestic rebellion.
The last administrative elections are nothing more than the last piece that shows us how post-ideological politics has become, and how much an elector, who defines himself on the left or on the right, values a much wider spectrum of possibilities. However, including abstention, given the meager turnout figures. Just see Milan, a city just the day before yesterday stronghold of the Berlusconi center-right, considered impregnable until the sensational victory of Giuliano Pisapia in 2011, in which last Sunday he prevailed Beppe Sala with percentages that seem more suited to Mugello red.
Such a rapid flow of votes in the first republic would have been very unusual, but certainly not today: it has been said and reiterated how in Rome the popular districts east of the center, which formed the so-called red belt, have moved to the right over time. with forays towards the Cinque Stelle, as well as the Parioli, a former stronghold of the right, are now a fief of the Democratic Party. And so it is that in the two central municipalities of Rome, those where the average income is higher, the clash at the last vote was not between Gualtieri And Michetti, but between Gualtieri and Calenda, a kind of derby inside the center-left that is more reminiscent of the primaries than an election for the mayor.
Such changes in the electoral map, which may reflect social and economic changes or the right or wrong choice of a candidate, also reflect an increasingly rapid and polarized society, in which the longevity of the consensus of a leader or party of the moment is becoming increasingly elusive. Think of Renzi’s Democratic Party, which in a few years went from 40 percent in the 2014 Europeans to the 18 of the 2018 policies, the same ones in which the Five Stars obtained 32 percent, only to collapse to 17 in the Europeans of the following year. The same Europeans in which Salvini made the League reach a historic 34 percent, a percentage that a few months later would have started, polls in hand, a significant decline after the Papeete crisis. If the electorate is becoming more and more volatile, it is precisely because, once the opposition between the blocs has fallen, problems are no longer answered with social and economic models, but with solutions that, valid or not, do not always have the weight of an ideal. behind.
All this in a society that is getting faster and faster, favoring contrasts and letting ideas last as long as the interactions they receive on social media: no wonder that this speed is also reflected in the voting booth.
Continue reading in the weekly The Post Internazionale-TPI: click here.
That time in which a party was chosen and voted for it during one’s lifetime, except perhaps indulging in a few rounds of waltzes with some other mark, is over, just as the time in which the communist’s son voted for communist and that of the Christian Democrat voted is over. Christian Democrat, except for some acts of domestic rebellion.
The last administrative elections are nothing more than the last piece that shows us how post-ideological politics has become, and how much an elector, who defines himself on the left or on the right, values a much wider spectrum of possibilities. However, including abstention, given the meager turnout figures. Just see Milan, a city just the day before yesterday stronghold of the Berlusconi center-right, considered impregnable until the sensational victory of Giuliano Pisapia in 2011, in which last Sunday he prevailed Beppe Sala with percentages that seem more suited to Mugello red.
Such a rapid flow of votes in the first republic would have been very unusual, but certainly not today: it has been said and reiterated how in Rome the popular districts east of the center, which formed the so-called red belt, have moved to the right over time. with forays towards the Cinque Stelle, as well as the Parioli, a former stronghold of the right, are now a fief of the Democratic Party. And so it is that in the two central municipalities of Rome, those where the average income is higher, the clash at the last vote was not between Gualtieri And Michetti, but between Gualtieri and Calenda, a kind of derby inside the center-left that is more reminiscent of the primaries than an election for the mayor.
Such changes in the electoral map, which may reflect social and economic changes or the right or wrong choice of a candidate, also reflect an increasingly rapid and polarized society, in which the longevity of the consensus of a leader or party of the moment is becoming increasingly elusive. Think of Renzi’s Democratic Party, which in a few years went from 40 percent in the 2014 Europeans to the 18 of the 2018 policies, the same ones in which the Five Stars obtained 32 percent, only to collapse to 17 in the Europeans of the following year. The same Europeans in which Salvini made the League reach a historic 34 percent, a percentage that a few months later would have started, polls in hand, a significant decline after the Papeete crisis. If the electorate is becoming more and more volatile, it is precisely because, once the opposition between the blocs has fallen, problems are no longer answered with social and economic models, but with solutions that, valid or not, do not always have the weight of an ideal. behind.
All this in a society that is getting faster and faster, favoring contrasts and letting ideas last as long as the interactions they receive on social media: no wonder that this speed is also reflected in the voting booth.
Continue reading in the weekly The Post Internazionale-TPI: click here.
That time in which a party was chosen and voted for it during one’s lifetime, except perhaps indulging in a few rounds of waltzes with some other mark, is over, just as the time in which the communist’s son voted for communist and that of the Christian Democrat voted is over. Christian Democrat, except for some acts of domestic rebellion.
The last administrative elections are nothing more than the last piece that shows us how post-ideological politics has become, and how much an elector, who defines himself on the left or on the right, values a much wider spectrum of possibilities. However, including abstention, given the meager turnout figures. Just see Milan, a city just the day before yesterday stronghold of the Berlusconi center-right, considered impregnable until the sensational victory of Giuliano Pisapia in 2011, in which last Sunday he prevailed Beppe Sala with percentages that seem more suited to Mugello red.
Such a rapid flow of votes in the first republic would have been very unusual, but certainly not today: it has been said and reiterated how in Rome the popular districts east of the center, which formed the so-called red belt, have moved to the right over time. with forays towards the Cinque Stelle, as well as the Parioli, a former stronghold of the right, are now a fief of the Democratic Party. And so it is that in the two central municipalities of Rome, those where the average income is higher, the clash at the last vote was not between Gualtieri And Michetti, but between Gualtieri and Calenda, a kind of derby inside the center-left that is more reminiscent of the primaries than an election for the mayor.
Such changes in the electoral map, which may reflect social and economic changes or the right or wrong choice of a candidate, also reflect an increasingly rapid and polarized society, in which the longevity of the consensus of a leader or party of the moment is becoming increasingly elusive. Think of Renzi’s Democratic Party, which in a few years went from 40 percent in the 2014 Europeans to the 18 of the 2018 policies, the same ones in which the Five Stars obtained 32 percent, only to collapse to 17 in the Europeans of the following year. The same Europeans in which Salvini made the League reach a historic 34 percent, a percentage that a few months later would have started, polls in hand, a significant decline after the Papeete crisis. If the electorate is becoming more and more volatile, it is precisely because, once the opposition between the blocs has fallen, problems are no longer answered with social and economic models, but with solutions that, valid or not, do not always have the weight of an ideal. behind.
All this in a society that is getting faster and faster, favoring contrasts and letting ideas last as long as the interactions they receive on social media: no wonder that this speed is also reflected in the voting booth.
Continue reading in the weekly The Post Internazionale-TPI: click here.