When they were the majority in 2014, the PRI-PAN-PRD Muratist-Chuchist, with the blessing of Salinas’ José Woldenberg, mercilessly crushed the opposition Lopezobradorist minority to impose the reforms of the Pact for Mexico. The president of the board of directors who operated the official steamroller with bricklayer efficiency was none other than the PAN deputy Ricardo Anaya Cortésthen enjoying his nickname of “wonder boy”, today senator.
Ten years later, in 2024, the Morena-PT-Green Party alliance built a tough majority bench and Crushed the PAN-PRI-MC-PRD minority harshly and rudely to begin the approval in battery of almost 20 constitutional reforms that will be reorganizing the operation of the political system.
In 2014, outside the session room of the Legislative Palace, the opposition Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador called on the majority to stand on the side of history and not approve the reforms of the second neoliberal counterrevolution. 2024the PAN and the PRI begged their followers not to betray the opposition vote and urged the Morena majority to be on the good side of history and not approve, in principle, the judicial reform and in the next few days the Other reforms pending constitutional.
With a presidential vote of 38%, from a PRI legislative bench of 42.4%, President Peña Nieto built in 2014 an impressive qualified majority of almost 80% because the votes of the PAN, the de-Cardenized and de-Lopez Obradorized PRD and the Green Party were added. The Peña Nieto PRI achieved the neoliberal reforms of electric and energy privatization, in exchange for ceding to the PAN the direction of the new National Electoral Institute, now with Lorenzo Córdova Vianello – advisor in 1994 to the then president of the IFE, José Woldenberg – marking a seal of continuity of the electoral body that had been created by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari to maintain control of voting in a PRI-PAN-intellectual alliance of the (A) Nexos group of Héctor Aguilar Camín.
The PRI and the PAN worked hand in hand in building qualified majorities: José López Portillo imposed the hand of authoritarianism so that the PRI would vote in favor of the expropriation of the banks, but his successor Miguel de la Madrid and his successor, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, agreed with the PAN to form a qualified majority to privatize the banks in two stages; and this same PRI-PAN alliance operated in 1998 to create Fobaproa as a government mechanism to save the banks from bankruptcy due to arbitrary granting of credits, but at the expense of the credit users who lost savings, houses and cars.
Salinas de Gortari, in his neoliberal project, had a secret pact with Luis H Álvarez’s PAN in 1988 so that the PAN would accept the legislative “secondary legitimacy” of the Salinas Presidency, because the primary did not achieve transparency of the votes due to the electoral fraud handled by the then Secretary of the Interior, Manuel Bartlett Díaz.
In this context, Salinas secretly agreed with Alvarez’s PAN on reforms that erased from the Constitution the social articles that represented the national project of the Mexican Revolution and that formed part of the ideological definition of the PRI: public education, oil exclusivity, the Cardenista ejido, the leadership of the State and the non-legal recognition of the Church that had fought against the Mexican Revolution and the Constitution.
These stories provide a bit of a framework for what has happened in recent weeks and in the weeks to come, to explain that the legislative pendulum of articulated majorities does not represent the end of history, but that today the PAN and the PRI are being run over by the Morena bloc that today has a qualified majority in both chambers and before, as a minority PRD, had been humiliated by the arrogance of the PRI-PAN-PRD alliance.
In 1994, the incoming Zedillo government lacked the electoral strength to modify the Constitution –48.7% of the presidential vote, the lowest in history– and without an absolute majority, but its alliance with the PAN achieved a qualified majority: 300 PRI deputies and 119 PAN deputies, for a total of 83.8% of the votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and with this conservative pact it was able to introduce a reform to the Judicial Branch that removed the 26 ministers from the Court and appointed 11 new judges.
Legislative majorities are temporary and are achieved through pacts with the Devil.
Politics for dummies: politics is the search for a power bloc at any price.
More from the same author:
- Day -22: Delays, mistakes, failures and Piña’s newness
- Alternations, Sedena, Trevilla and the internal security paradigm
- Day -25: The PRI regime is over, but there is no replacement
#Day #Legislative #wheel #fortune #opposition
