According to Koivisto’s thinking, Putinism will also get an antithesis, but according to Professor Jukka Korpela, it will not happen under the rules of Western rationalism.
President Mauno Koiviston The idea of Russia A new edition of The Book (2001) was taken decades later, when Russia invaded Ukraine with full force and book book queues grew in libraries.
The book has again been quoted on the HS website for good reason parikin times. For Koivisto, Russia’s idea was to take over valuable land, spread faith and unite the Slavs with the Russian leadership. Sounds familiar.
Koivisto however, he also believed in Hegelian dialectics.
“There always comes thesis, antithesis and synthesis, then again a new counterforce emerges within the winner. This will last forever as long as there is enough time, ”Koivisto wrote and even recalled the break-up of the Soviet Union.
What would be the antithesis of the current form of the Russian idea, Putinism? This could include:
1. Genuine limitation of presidential terms to two. In this way, power would not have time to corrupt the leader completely.
2. Geneva Conventions compliance. Investigation of rape allegations and bombings of civilian targets before they are alleged to be “lies”.
3. Opportunity for genuine opposition action without systematic opposition leaders poisoning, imprisonment and murder.
4. Influence neighboring countries with good, not military force. The smile campaign could still reduce Finland’s and Sweden’s NATO aspirations if it were accompanied by, for example, a sudden change of leadership, a speedy withdrawal from Ukraine and the sentencing of its own war criminals.
The list could go on. There must be dreams.
Putin sees Ukraine as an integral part of Russia since time immemorial. Koivisto also saw Russia continue the heritage of Kievan Rus. He quoted Professor Jukka Korpela several times in his book.
It is therefore interesting that Korpela sees it differently today. “At the time, I still thought that Kievan Rus was an early form of Russian culture,” he recalls.
Now Korpela sees that Kievan Rus began to develop “their own roads with Poland and the West.” It was as early as the 14th century Ukraine between Krakow and Moscow.
The eastern center, the Principality of Moscow, is based on more eastern and mystical influences, the professor says.
“However, Putin’s conception of Russia’s history is what emerged in the 18th and 18th centuries from millennial Russia as a successor to Kievan Rus, centered in Moscow. Putin does not have his own ideology. He repeats what he learned at school, ”the professor says.
As early as the 15th century, Russia wanted to be a “new Rome” with a mission against the “superstitious West” and the “pagans of the East”. Putin also wants to see himself as the ruler of all Slavs.
So do the Ukrainians. This attitude is now causing ruins, rape and the deaths of thousands of innocent people.
Are you going up? In Russia, sometimes the antithesis of Putinism prevails, which would also recognize the more western isolation of present-day Ukraine? It may be, but according to the professor, it doesn’t happen Hegelian in the Western sense.
“Hegel relies on Western rationalism, where we have an argument, an objection, and a possible compromise. There is no such rationalism in Russia. ”
The professor argues: Russia lacked scholasticism, renaissance philosophy, and enlightenment in the Western sense. It’s the leader’s thesis, and if it gets your response, it’s rebellion. If the rebellion is successful, the new leader will prescribe a thesis.
In both cases, the ruler does not see the opposition as a valued thing, unlike, say, Britain for centuries.
Koivisto did not argue that dialectics would allow Finland to make unambiguous choices between good and evil.
According to him, up to the government are usually the issues that need to be resolved, where you have to choose the “best of the bad alternatives”.
What does that mean for Finland right now? Koivisto famously summed up the idea of Finland to a Russian radio journalist in one word: vyžit – to survive.
We will soon see whether our decision-makers consider it to be most successful in the current situation as a full member of NATO or outside NATO.
The author is the cultural editor of HS.
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