Column | Finland should not get caught up in the threat of war

Russia’s attack on Ukraine has revolutionized the Finnish discussion atmosphere, but big decisions must be made based on facts and not emotions.

All the beginning of wisdom is the recognition of facts, reads the plinth of President JK Paasikivi’s statue in the center of Helsinki.

The phrase is thought to sum up Finns’ realism in relation to Russia. We approach Russia with cold reason, not with hot feelings.

Is that so?

In fact, Finns’ thinking about Russia has often been dominated by emotion – and still is.

In the early years of independence, the most dominant emotions were fear and anger. You should read about these times, for example, in Timo Vihavainen’s book A grudge.

After the war, we moved to a time of hope. During the Yya era, it was hoped that Russia would have a friendly attitude towards Finland. After that, it was hoped that Russia would turn into a nice European country. Neither wish was based on facts.

Russian after invading Ukraine, the Finns cooled to Russia almost overnight. That also proves that it was not a matter of reason but of emotions.

Thinking rationally, there was no major change in Russia’s activities. The country just continued its aggressive and criminal policy, which has marked Vladimir Putin’s entire reign.

Over the years, the reality of Putinism has been opened up by writers such as Anna Politikovskaya, Masha Gessen, Anne Applebaum, Luke Harding, Garri Kasparov, Marc Galeotti and Catherine Belton. Many of the books have been translated into Finnish, and their authors have also visited Finland.

Nevertheless, many decision-makers and self-professed experts have described their shock at the war in Ukraine with rolling eyes. Such great blindness already requires a determined refusal to acknowledge the facts.

But now the situation is better, isn’t it? We are finally looking at Russia in a cool, rational way.

Is that so?

The war in Ukraine has shocked Finns so thoroughly that a passionate emotional speech has taken over. Even the word “rüssa”, which was on the bandwagon for a long time, is back in use.

Even if Finland joins NATO, we don’t want to be Russia’s enemy.

When we go ahead of feeling, the most important thing is not necessarily what we do, but how firmly we dare to say it. Finland has given Ukraine narrow support, but the public focuses on Russian tourists. Vacationing for Russians is “not right”, as Prime Minister Sanna Marin (sd) is said.

If we really start talking about the relationship between Finland and Russia in terms of right and wrong, things much bigger than tourism will quickly come up on the road. But that was exactly the path Paasikivi warned against.

NATO membership was Finland’s answer to Russia’s frontline demands. Russia forced Finland to choose its side, and that’s what Finland did. But no more than that.

Even if Finland joins NATO, we don’t want to be Russia’s enemy. Finland supports the struggle in Ukraine, but it is because Russia has, at least for the time being, chosen a policy of force, which must be dammed by force. I hope Putin will soon realize what a huge mistake he has made.

Finland can only have one goal: stability and peace on the eastern border, the Baltic Sea and Europe.

For Americans Finland has been marketed as a military nation armed to the teeth, the Israel of the North. The sales pitches have gone over too well.

The Republican senator Tom Cotton, who visited Finland this week, has completely raved about Finland. In his congress speech, he praised Finland for inventing Molotov cocktails and sniper Simo Häyhä for killing 500 Russians.

“Finland is a country of warriors, which frankly has a long and proud tradition of wounding and killing Russian invaders,” said Cotton, who himself fought in Iraq and Afghanistan.

In Finland, you should stay away from such a threat, because for Finland those wars have not been a “proud tradition” but terrible tragedies.

What about Paasikivi? I think the old president would have swallowed his false teeth from such words.

The author is the person responsible for the editorial and opinion editorial.

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