The composition of the chamber of deputies and senators we will not know until the end of August when all judicial processes are exhausted around the elections. For that date the distribution of multi-member and we will know if Brunette with their allies of the Green and the PT reached or not qualified majority in it congress.
Meanwhile, between today and Sunday, with the federal computations We will have a fairly realistic vision of how things will turn out. No progress will be made complaint of a fraud generalized because it cannot be sustained in an election in which there was a 30-point difference, but the calculation and the review of 67 percent of the boxes It is essential to know what type of irregularities could have been committed, clean up the election and have clarity about the design of the future legislature.
The challenges are valid and necessary, the vote by vote in the boxes in which there are doubts it must be, as it is, a reality, and there we will have the final numbers of the elections. What is not valid, as happened in 2006, is that given all these steps, including an exhaustive review of the minutes and opening the packages that raised doubts about counting each vote, the results are unknown and measures are taken like that famous sit-in. Reform. But let us remember that in 2006 the difference was 0.36 percent and after the calculations it was close to 0.50, with a difference of half a million votes. Now we are talking about a difference of 30 points and millions of votes.
It may be, as has been said, that the criterion of the distribution of multi-members with the Green and the PT has been incorrectly applied and then the number of deputies of the ruling party is less than that reported by the INE and, in an unusual event, announced not by any electoral authority but by the secretary of the interior in the morning at the National Palace. They are not its powers or even the forms, but it is part of this vision of understanding the electoral process as something in which the government is directly involved.
None of that serves to explain the electoral result. What is a reality is that Lopez Obrador has been preaching to Mexican society for twenty years a gospel of good and bad, of honesty and corruption, of inequality and justice, which in the last six was nourished by an instrument as powerful as the morning and above all discretionary management of power.
To the preaching he added resources, constant and sound support for 30 million families. To understand what this means, you not only have to change the chip, you have to reset the hard drive, leave the data on it and use another analysis method. We didn’t realize that the country that was builtand for which we bet, between 1988 and 2018, of a representative and liberal democracy, no longer exists and we were measuring reality with parameters that people discarded.
Not only Claudia Sheinbaum had millions more votes than Xochitlthere was 40 percent of the population who did not vote, who were not interested or who thought that the election was a mere formality. We underestimate the presidential capacity to convince millions of Mexicans not with realistic programs and effective and competitive economic measures, but with emotions, with a certain social revenge, with cash and constant preaching.
The disappearance of the PRD
I remember very well how one of the first chronicles that I had to write for the then prestigious unomásuno, was to cover the closing of the campaign of Cuauhtemoc Cardenas in the zócalo in the 1988 elections. It was tremendous.
In those elections I also covered the closures of Carlos Salinas and of Manuel Clouthier, the two massive and the three with a political level that we have not had in our campaigns for a long time. But the closing of the Cuauhtémoc campaign was different: it was the enthusiasm for something new, for a left that, united (weeks ago Heberto Castillo had resigned his candidacy to support Cárdenas) with a revolutionary nationalist current of the PRI, was proposing a different future and disputing power for the first time.
Months after the elections, the PRD, burdened since then by a policy marked by radicalization and internal division. Their elections in 1994 and 2000 were a failure, but along the way they won Mexico City in 1997 with Cárdenas and in 2000 with López Obrador. Since then, the internal division, which endured two more presidential elections, in 2006 and 2012, ended up exploding with the departure of López Obrador and the creation of Brunettewhich very quickly took over almost all the structures of a PRD who did not know or did not want to bet on a new profile, look for options, candidates, new characters.
The decline began already since then but now it has been notable. It has some minimal hope of keeping the record, but the PRD actually no longer exists.
More from the same author:
#Challenge #calculation #qualified #majority
