The recount of the Peruvian presidential elections last Sunday leaves Pedro Castillo, from the left, as the most voted candidate. The objective data it is not enough to clarify yet who will be the president of the country and less to know when the electoral court will enact the winner.
Keiko Fujimori, right, asked to annul nearly 200,000 votes and he cries out for an alleged “table fraud” that no one, except his staunch supporters and his fellow political travelers, has seen.
These are some of the keys that explain the situation.
Pedro Castillo is the most voted and is approaching the presidency. AFP photo
With 99.935% of the votes cast, Castillo has 49,420 votes ahead of Fujimori.
The count goes on for a week, although since Monday it is clear that the advantage of the rural teacher over the daughter and political heir of former president Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) it is irremovable.
The vote of Peruvians abroad did not arrive either in number or in the proportion that Fujimori required to reverse the overwhelming endorsement that Castillo obtained in the rural interior of the country.
Neither was the count of some 1,000 minutes observed ex officio by the electoral authorities and the more than 400 that were denounced at the voting tables by the personeros (controllers) of the parties.
Fujimori argued that it was his rivals who observed all the minutes (false) and that there were 300,000 votes (also false) that benefited her. 56 of those minutes remain to be counted.
2) The count
Election Sunday was a roller coaster of emotions: Fujimori was the winner according to the exit poll and celebrated with her family as if she had obtained the Presidency. Later, the quick count Castillo was the winner and joy gave way to drama.
There were more changes. The first data at the table gave Fujimori a wide advantage, and the party returned. But there was a trick. It was already known in Peru that the first computed data are always those of the big cities, Fujimori fiefdoms.
With the arrival of the rural vote, Castillo regained ground and surpassed Fujimori by several tens of thousands of votes, who already on Monday began to sow doubts about the electoral process.
Right-wing presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori addresses her supporters during a demonstration in Lima, Peru. Photo EFE
After a day of silence, Fujimori came out on Monday night to denounce, without reliable evidence, the existence of “a systematic fraud”.
No international electoral observation body, including the Organization of American States (OAS), has detected anything.
However, for the Fujimori are a sign of “fraud” things like inconsistencies in the signatures of the members of the tables, the fact of not having received any vote in some of them or that presidents and members in some schools have been relatives.
They say everything part of a “systematic” plan concocted by Peru Libre, Castillo’s party, to influence the electoral result.
On Wednesday, Fujimori took a step further and announced, “to defend the vote”, which asked to annul some 804 “fraudulent” acts, equivalent to 200,000 votes concentrated in areas overwhelmingly favorable to Castillo.
4) Void votes
To file nullity claims, Fujimori and Castillo, who also filed some requests, much less, they had only until Wednesday, June 9 at 8:00 p.m.
Hours before that deadline, an “army” of lawyers from prestigious Lima law firms launched themselves “ad honorem” to search for evidence. of “table fraud” and submit claims.
Annulling each act implies erasing the vote of about 200 citizens of the general count.
Given the seriousness of the step, the law requires justifying the measure with clear and reliable evidence violence, bribery, bribery or threats.
Almost all Peruvian electoral experts agree that an inconsistency in a signature, or “not having received votes” does not constitute sufficient evidence to annul anything.
5) National Jury
The vast majority of Fujimori claims came, however, either after the deadline, or without having paid the corresponding fees, or with other defects in a way that makes them unacceptable.
The calculations differ from both number of admissible cases to be reviewed as to who filed the claim, as Peru Libre also requested several annulments.
In any case, they would not be less than 150 nor more than 270 cases that can be thoroughly evaluated by the Special Electoral Juries (JEE), the regional bodies that must first judge the cases.
In this context, the National Elections Jury (JNE), Peru’s supreme electoral body, carried out a strange maneuver when, at the request of the Fujimori, decided to extend the deadline 48 hours to admit these resources for processing.
“Coup” in the making, denounced Peru Libre, while thousands of citizens expressed their outrage at a measure that changed the rules of the game in the middle of the race.
After a day of mounting tensions, the JNE reconsidered his measurement before the verification that this step violated numerous legal norms, including several established by the Constitutional Court.
Opponents to Pedro Castilla in Lima. AFP photo
With the data of the minutes under review, the process of which can be followed openly on the JNE website established for this purpose, only about 60,000 votes would be at stake.
The first resolutions of the JEE begin to indicate that the Fujimori complaints are not supported necessary to be considered and therefore are being denied.
According to the standard, the JEE they have three days to issue their resolutions, but that time frame may be a little more lax.
The affected parties could then appeal to the JNE, which is taken for granted. The JNE You also have three days to issue resolutions, but it is also a relatively lax deadline depending on the load of motions to be reviewed. Each case has to be analyzed individually.
Thus, it would still remain a minimum of four days to have a firm position of the court on the records, which can no longer be appealed. There are voices that point to a maximum of two weeks before having a decision.
And that does not mean that the parts may file other demands before the instances that they deem pertinent.