Now it turns out that in a report published yesterday by the New York Times, Deputy Attorney General Alejandro Encinas acknowledges that in what, as the American daily says, is “the backbone” of his investigation into the Ayotzinapa case, that is, a package of about 500 screenshots that Encinas has never said where they came from and who gave them to him, “there is a significant percentage, very significant that is all invalidated”, they are “unsupported evidence”, which could not be “verified”.
Last September, after we interviewed General José Rodríguez Pérez in the military prison of Military Camp No. 1, who had been imprisoned on charges of links with organized crime (with no more evidence than the statement of a hit man from Guerreros Unidos) , an interview that broke the theses of the report, the spokesmen of the ruling party assured that there was much other evidence against the General and the other soldiers detained for the same cause that showed that it was a State crime carried out in part by the military.
But Encinas went further and publicly declared that the General, then a Colonel on September 26, 2014, had not only covered up the criminals but had kept about six young people held in a ranch owned by a drug trafficker and that days later he had ordered kill them. It was not a rumour: he declared it publicly, and said that this information came from one of the aforementioned screenshots in his possession. Here and in other areas we said that it was implausible, the same as the long odyssey of the young people who counted those captures. The times and spaces simply did not coincide, and besides, apart from the captures themselves, there was not a single piece of evidence to support them.
But the case was already self-destructing from the inside. Not even the screenshots were verified. Encinas tells the NYT that he received them in April, he does not say from whom or how, when he was already pressured to do so by President López Obrador. He had previously gone to Tel Aviv to propose to former PGR chief investigator Tomás Zerón, now in exile in that country, that he help in the case in exchange for presidential support. Zerón refused because an investigation had already been carried out, but everything indicates that the talk was recorded and there Encinas tells him that he has to have a resolution and that, says the New York newspaper, “the president does not mind putting people in jail.” The recording is in the NYT.
After the frustrated trip to Israel, Encinas mysteriously receives the 467 screenshots. He does not show them to anyone, only to one person, he definitely does not share them with the investigators of the Attorney General’s Office, because there was an undeniable conflict between the FGR, the special prosecutor Gómez Trejo and the commission headed by Encinas. By not sharing them, Encinas uses those captures that he has in simple copies as the basis for his report without passing them through a forensic expert report in the FGR.
When at the end of August, based on these arrests, Encinas released his report, we said that it was not based on evidence but on sayings, and that it was deeply striking that the hardest evidence they had, which was the capture of some Blackberry conversations between drug traffickers from Guerreros Unidos in Iguala with their bosses in Chicago, throughout September 26 and 27, while the events were taking place, recordings obtained by the DEA in monitoring the heroin trafficking of that criminal group, had been left sideways.
In these recordings, what happened is detailed minute by minute, and almost all the participants are identified. They are forceful (see the book La Noche de Iguala, Cal y Arena, 2018 and the CNDH report on the subject of that same year).
But Encinas discarded those from the DEA to use his own screenshots, largely because the ones he had provided, already integrated into the files, broadly confirmed the original investigation and therefore contradicted the mysterious documents he had received. But that forced him to show them.
The first thing that computer experts noticed is that the WhatsApp design of 2014 was not that. Then some of those disclosed, through the “untested report” that was leaked to counteract the interview we did with General Rodríguez Pérez, revealed an atrocious massacre of the boys but recounted by one of the most unsuspected confidants: they were captures attributed to the daughter of the detained municipal president of Iguala, José Luis Abarca, who told a friend in detail how the young people were killed. It was absurd, the young woman herself denied it, she said that it was never her cell phone, that she did not have a friend of that name and that she had never written that. No one refuted her.
Members of the Interdisciplinary Group also questioned the captures of Encinas, because not even the language used by characters involved in the events of which they have other recordings coincides. Now yes, Encinas ordered the content of her star test to be verified and admitted to the NYT that “the source could have fabricated those captures.” They were fabricated tests. For much less than that, any other investigator would be out on the street. Others even prosecuted.
#Ayotzinapa #fabricated #evidence