I have never seen such rapid destruction of a country in times of peace and without blockade or sanctions. When I left the Government in May 2017 we were the second safest country in Latin America with an intentional homicide rate of 5.8 per 100,000 inhabitants, but today we are one of the most violent countries in the world with a projected rate of 39 by the end of 2023 We exported electrical energy, but today we import energy and the electrical rationing that was overcome more than a decade ago has returned. We were the country that reduced poverty and inequality the most in the region and we reversed the migratory flow, with tens of thousands of compatriots returning to their land, but today the GDP per capita is at 2011 levels, poverty has increased again and The immigration tragedy began again. Meanwhile, the bank breaks historical records in profits. The unprecedented has become naturalized.
This is the result of ineptitude, corruption but, above all, political hatred. In 2017 we won the presidential and legislative elections, but my successor Lenin Moreno betrayed his voters, began to dismantle everything built in the last decade and persecute the so-called “correístas.” In 2018, an unconstitutional popular consultation was held that constituted a true coup d’état. From it emerged the transitional members of the Council of Citizen Participation and Social Control, the body in charge of selecting the control authorities, all appointed by the Executive and who illegally dismissed even the Constitutional Court, declaring a “judicial vacancy” for six months. . They also illegally deposed and replaced 70% of the National Court. This has merited four reports from the United Nations Rapporteur for Judicial Independence. With the consultation they also limited presidential re-election to one time but, to prevent me from being a presidential candidate, they applied the rule retroactively from 2008.
The obstacle to their plans was the re-elected vice president Jorge Glas. That’s why they involved him in the Odebrecht case, unconstitutionally took the Vice Presidency from him and put him in prison for five years and four months, most of the time in a regular prison when prison riots claimed hundreds of lives. Today the Odebrecht case has been declared null and void in Brazil due to its use for political persecution.
In 2020, in the middle of the pandemic and with all criminal trials stopped, except those involving flagrante delicto, an entire setup was carried out to accuse us of having received bribes during our administration. The irregularities of this process are so many that specialists consider it the paradigm of lawfare or legal warfare. Suffice it to say that of the nine judges of the three courts that heard the case, seven were ad hoc and their positions depended on our conviction, which was also denounced by the Rapporteurship. Violating due process, preventing our right to defense and in record time, the cassation took just 17 business days and they managed to definitively convict me with a group of 20 people and take away my political rights hours before my registration as a candidate in September 2020. This is how they prevented me from participating in the 2021 elections and made Guillermo Lasso president. Although it is difficult to believe, due to the glaring lack of evidence, my sentence is for “instigation through psychic influence.” The persecution is so blatant that Belgium, the country where I have resided for family reasons since I left the Presidency, granted me political asylum in 2022, just as countries like Mexico have done with others persecuted in this case, and Interpol has even rudely denied all requests for a red alert, making it clear, despite being a police officer and not a judge, that this is political persecution. They also illegally took away our political party and, personally, the security as former president, the lifetime pension and even the life insurance that I had in a public company.
Faced with his resounding failure as a Government, Guillermo Lasso had to anticipate elections, a figure permitted in the Ecuadorian Constitution. The polls showed us as winners in a single round. Eleven days before the elections, they assassinate Fernando Villavicencio, one of our fiercest opponents and presidential candidate who was in fifth place, so he was more useful to them dead than alive. Nothing like this had ever happened in Ecuadorian history. We suffered a brutal campaign blaming ourselves for that murder and, although we came in first place, we had to go to a runoff. In the second electoral round, eight days before the elections, seven of the eight hitmen who participated in the murder of Villavicencio and who were in prison under the custody and responsibility of the Ecuadorian State were murdered. They blame us again for these crimes, even from the State itself, and thus they once again affect the electoral results, preventing our victory.
Lawfare in Ecuador has destroyed reputations, the rule of law and democracy itself, all with the thunderous silence of foreign ambassadors and the international press who have not wanted to understand that they are also responsible for what they decide to ignore.
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