Israel and Palestine: the failed elections and the internal fracture within Islam
Reading the recommendation of the European Parliament of 12 July 2023 regarding relations with the Palestinian Authority, one can see how Hamas itself, together with thirteen other factions (also Al-Fatah), after more than 15 years of frost, had signed a “reconciliation agreement” in Algiers to lead Gaza and other Palestinian territories towards democratic elections.
Which, at the same time, has rooted the recognition of the State of Israel (otherwise the Algiers agreement would have made no sense) for Hamas itself which would have as its objective to see the country born on the story of Jacob disappear from the maps .
Nonetheless, in January 2023 the Palestinian Authority stopped cooperation with Israel in a number of areas including (most importantly) security.
Two issues, the latter, which translate how Hamas’ strategy has played and continues to play on two fronts: on the one hand (internal) demonstrating its democracy to the population of Gaza, on the other hand (external) consolidating antagonism towards Israel to present itself, in the eyes of followers and others, as the only barrier to the alleged occupation of the Jewish world of those territories claimed in the name of a non-current history.
On the other hand, Palestine’s basic problem is not about being a nation, but about being a state.
There is a clear difference between the two things, so much so that the international community and the European Union have repeatedly represented to the Palestinian Authority that Palestine itself, in order to become a state, recognized in the supranational context, would have to demonstrate that it guarantees human rights and internal democratic processes leading internal radicalism and fanaticism to reject the idea of Israel’s annihilation.
Things not guaranteed by the Palestinian leadership to such an extent that the Authority chaired by Abbas (Abu Mazen so to speak) has interrupted relations with Israel in terms of security and concentrated the judicial power, stripping it of independence.
Obviously the centralization operation, read from other aspects, served Abu Mazen to communicate, indirectly, to Hamas and Company that they are not yet ready for the birth of the State of Palestine.
A message which, in other ways, would have led terrorist organizations (7 of the 21 in the world of Palestinian origin, moreover) to ask for covert support and help from Iran, Syria, etc. for the de facto delegitimisation of the Abbas leadership among the Palestinian people in favor of a significant acceleration of the process of creating no longer a secular state, but a purely Islamist one. Work to which Hamas is dedicated and which, through the latest attacks, it has demonstrated thinking that Israeli public opinion would lose confidence by totally conceding, after the Oslo agreements, all the territories for which it is considered “occupying”.
Instead there was the opposite effect: Israel became united and Hamas risks remaining the only culprit for the collapse of the Palestinian dream which, despite the great limitations of Abu Mazen’s leadership, seemed on the right path until the moment before the Algiers agreement.
The real executioner of the Palestinians, therefore, is terrorism.
And Abu Mazen, due to a series of coincidences and circumstances, risks becoming an implicit monarch who waits to see his internal enemies in the Palestinian question defeated.
Partly thanks to Israel, partly thanks to the extremism of Hamas.
In the Islam of Palestine the fracture is very evident. The majority, evidently, does not want war.
Arafat, meanwhile, watches helplessly.
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